Conflict and racism, racial discrimination and xenophobia

The present report, submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 52/36, contains an exploration of the topic of conflict and racial discrimination. The report is informed by submissions received in response to a call for submissions addressed to States and other stakeholders, including civil society organizations, international organizations and national human rights institutions. The Special Rapporteur thanks those that submitted information.

It is timely and important to examine the dynamics between conflict and racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. Violent conflict has intensified in recent years, and the human rights-related impact is severe. The escalation in global conflict has been devastating, and the impact of conflict is not borne equally, with those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups all too often being subjected to the most severe and irreparable consequences. The interconnections between racial discrimination, including systemic racism, and violent conflict and its consequences are complex and multidimensional. It is explicitly recognized in the 2001 Durban Declaration and Programme of Action that racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance are often both root causes and consequences of conflict and related displacement.

The report begins with an analysis of the connections between conflict and racial discrimination at various stages of conflict. It continues with an outline of the relevant international legal frameworks and the related obligations of States. The importance and urgency of significantly increasing investment in anti-racism and conflict prevention and resolution, as interconnected and mutually reinforcing goals, is stressed in the report’s conclusion, and a series of related recommendations is presented.

For the present report, the term “conflict” is understood by the Special Rapporteur in broad terms. In line with the work of one of her predecessors, she adopts a broad understanding of the term to encompass international and non-international armed conflict, as well as political and social unrest, including acts of violence targeting specific population groups.¹ The report addresses concerns about the impact of conflict on all groups that fall under her mandate, including Africans and people of African descent; Indigenous Peoples; those facing xenophobia on the basis of their national origin; Asians and people of Asian descent; Jewish communities; Muslim communities; those from oppressed castes; Roma persons; Palestinians; and any other people of groups with experiences of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. The report also addresses concerns about those from these racialized groups who face intersectional forms of discrimination, including women, LGBTQI+ persons, migrants, including refugees and asylum-seekers, and persons with disabilities. The Special Rapporteur also wishes to highlight at the outset of the present report that its focus is on global, overarching trends.

1. See A/HRC/14/43. ↩

Prevention is an important tool for mitigating the risk of conflict. Violence is often self-perpetuating: once it takes hold, systems can adapt in ways that fuel further conflict. Preventing conflict is therefore easier than dismantling the systems and incentives that develop and perpetuate violence. Prevention saves lives and averts the violations of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights that occur during conflict.² It was estimated in a 2024 International Monetary Fund paper that, for every United States dollar spent on prevention, there was a return of between $26 and $75 in countries that had not suffered recently from violence and up to $103 in countries with recent violence.³

2. Ibid. ↩
3. Hannes Mueller and others, The Urgency of Conflict Prevention: A Macroeconomic Perspective, Working Paper, No. WP/24/256 (International Monetary Fund, 2024). ↩

Addressing both racial discrimination and conflict prevention are deeply interconnected endeavours and mutually reinforcing. It has been recognized that building societies that are fair and inclusive and that integrate all racial and ethnic groups into decision-making processes are less likely to experience violent conflict.⁴ Effective measures to address racial discrimination therefore contribute to the resolution of existing tensions and the maintenance of peace and security. Conversely, the failures of States to effectively prevent and eradicate racial discrimination and uphold the human rights of marginalized racial groups, ethnic groups and caste-oppressed communities further risk perpetuating cycles of violence. In addition to colonialism, neo-colonialism, economic interests, power dynamics between States, exclusion, political inequality and injustice, rooted in structural inequalities between groups, have been identified as some of the most crucial factors in conflict. Strengthening protections against racial discrimination is therefore essential not only for addressing current challenges, but also for safeguarding against future conflict.⁵

4. See A/HRC/16/45. ↩
5. See A/74/274. ↩

Building inclusive, fair and just societies that help to prevent conflict is multifaceted and must be sustained over time. The Special Rapporteur on minority issues has stressed the importance of allowing minority groups, often encompassing those that experience racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, to use their language, practise their culture and religion and participate equally in political and economic life to prevent conflict.⁶ 6 The World Bank and United Nations report, Pathways for Peace: Innovative Approaches to Preventing Violent Conflict, demonstrated that decentralizing and devolving power, in a way that encouraged diversity, lowered the risk of violence.⁷ In addition, the Secretary-General recognized, in a 2014 guidance note on the protection of minorities, that exclusion, in particular from political and public participation, could be a major driver of new conflict and conflict recurrence.⁸ The Special Rapporteur reiterates the calls made in her report to the General Assembly in 2024 to ensure the effective implementation of special measures within political representation.⁹ The representation and participation of those from all marginalized racial and ethnic groups, including caste-oppressed 2 Ibid. 3 Hannes Mueller and others, The Urgency of Conflict Prevention: A Macroeconomic Perspective, Working Paper, No. WP/24/256 (International Monetary Fund, 2024). 4 See A/HRC/16/45. 5 See A/74/274. 6 See A/HRC/49/46. 7 United Nations and World Bank, Pathways for Peace: Inclusive Approaches to Preventing Violent Conflict (Washington, D.C., World Bank, 2018). 8 United Nations, “Guidance note of the Secretary-General on racial discrimination and protection of minorities”, March 2013. 9 See A/79/316. communities, is vital to the social contract between Governments and individuals, as well as to the broader maintenance of the social fabric that can prevent crisis and conflict. Racially equitable political representation and participation, as can be achieved through special measures, can create a constructive outlet for debate and discourse and incentives for positive cooperation.¹⁰ 10

6. See A/HRC/49/46. ↩
7. United Nations and World Bank, Pathways for Peace: Inclusive Approaches to Preventing Violent Conflict (Washington, D.C., World Bank, 2018). ↩
8. United Nations, “Guidance note of the Secretary-General on racial discrimination and protection of minorities”, March 2013. ↩
9. See A/79/316. ↩
10. See A/75/982. ↩

Building fair, inclusive and just societies to prevent conflict also includes the non-discriminatory realization of political, economic, social and cultural rights. Disagreement over land, food, water and extractive resources has been identified as a common driver of conflict.¹¹ The Special Rapporteur received submissions describing how the setting of colonial borders and the extractive resource exploitation inherent to colonialism deepened resource competition, contributing to enduring systemic racism and economic exclusion.¹² Many from marginalized racial and ethnic groups continue to face disproportionate levels of entrenched poverty as a result of historical exploitation, extractivism, underinvestment in their communities and a lack of decent work opportunities because of the systems of exclusion embedded during colonialism. Addressing economic inequality, upholding economic, social and cultural rights and promoting fair, equitable and sustainable development, as well as ensuring equitable access to public services, is vital. In this respect, the Special Rapporteur highlights the importance of considering resource redistribution policies that reduce the inequalities within and between countries.

11. United Nations and World Bank, Pathways for Peace. ↩
12. Submissions from Atina Solutions, FDI and Baku Initiative Group. ↩

As highlighted in the Pathways for Peace study, civil society groups, including those working on anti-racial discrimination, make an invaluable contribution to fair and inclusive societies and can support conflict resolution through the provision of community services, the building of relationships across different social groups and the promotion of social norms that discourage violence.¹³ Given the important role of civil society groups in conflict prevention, the Special Rapporteur encourages States to consider providing them with adequate funding for this vital work.

13. United Nations and World Bank, Pathways for Peace. ↩

Building fair, inclusive and just societies that promote and protect human rights at the national level is an essential way in which States can prevent conflict and contribute to international peace and security. The work of the United Nations system and other international and regional actors, including preventive diplomacy, peacekeeping, the promotion and protection of human rights and the advancement of sustainable development, is also vital. The International Court of Justice, which adjudicates conflicts between States, also plays an important role in conflict prevention. The essential role of the multilateral system in preventing conflict was recognized by States in the Pact for the Future.¹⁴ 14 The Special Rapporteur is deeply concerned that, notwithstanding such commitments, there are severe deficits in the funds available for all elements of the United Nations work, as well as broader cuts to overseas development aid, resulting in protection gaps.¹⁵ These funding deficits are, paradoxically, worsening within a geopolitical context in which the work of the United Nations and broader multilateral system is more necessary than ever to prevent and resolve burgeoning global conflict. Recalling the United Nations founding purpose of saving future generations from the scourge of war, the Special Rapporteur 10 See A/75/982. 11 United Nations and World Bank, Pathways for Peace. 12 Submissions from Atina Solutions, FDI and Baku Initiative Group. 13 United Nations and World Bank, Pathways for Peace. 14 See resolution 79/1 and A/80/1. 15 See S/2025/389; A/80/1; and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), “Cuts in official development assistance: OECD projections for 2025 and the near term”, 26 June 2025. 6/21 urges States to continue and expand engagement with the United Nations and ensure adequate funding for all its work. Early warning systems that integrate racially and ethnically disaggregated data

14. See resolution 79/1 and A/80/1. ↩
15. See S/2025/389; A/80/1; and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), “Cuts in official development assistance: OECD projections for 2025 and the near term”, 26 June 2025. ↩

Developing and maintaining effective early warning systems, which identify key risk factors for violence and trigger timely and effective responses, are an important part of preventing conflict, as well as reducing its intensity and duration. Early warning systems have been developed at the national, regional and international levels. Human rights violations, including discrimination, exclusion, hate speech and racialized inequality, are important warning signs of impeding violence. The Special Rapporteur on minority issues recognized that incorporating rights indicators into early warning systems would enable the earlier identification of potential conflicts.¹⁶

16. See A/HRC/16/45. ↩

The work of human rights mechanisms, such as the special procedures and treaty bodies, can act as early warning systems to States. The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has developed, in the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide, a dedicated early warning system and urgent procedures to try to prevent serious violations of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The Special Rapporteur welcomes this work and urges States to fully utilize the findings and recommendations of the United Nations human rights machinery in developing effective early warning systems.

To effectively detect trends in increasing discrimination, hate speech, exclusion and racialized inequality, monitoring and early warning systems must include racially and ethnically disaggregated data. Many United Nations human rights entities, including the Special Rapporteur, have highlighted the importance of the collection and publication of data disaggregated by race, ethnicity, caste and intersectional grounds for discrimination and recommended that States strengthen and expand their efforts in this regard.¹⁷ Data that are fully disaggregated and collected according to human rights standards, including the principles of consent and self-identification, and that effectively capture racial and intersectional discrimination play an important role in recognizing the warning signs of crisis and conflict. The Special Rapporteur urges States to step up efforts to collect and publish data disaggregated by race and ethnicity as an essential component of conflict prevention systems. In addition, the Special Rapporteur highlights that quantitative disaggregated data can be complemented with qualitative data reflecting the lived experiences of those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups.

17. See for example, A/HRC/59/62; A/70/335; A/79/316; A/HRC/23/50; A/HRC/42/59; A/HRC/57/67; CERD/C/ZAF/CO/9-11; CERD/C/PRT/CO/18-19; Committee on the Rights of the Child, general comment No. 26 (2023), para. 15; and Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), “Disaggregated data to advance the human rights of people of African descent: progress and challenges”, 2023. ↩

The spread of racist hate speech, including the most serious forms of this scourge, which meet the criteria for incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence, has a strong interrelationship with violent conflict, as reflected in many submissions received by the Special Rapporteur. Manifestations of racist hate speech described in those submissions included racial slurs and stereotypes, racialized narratives about conflict situations, the scapegoating and dehumanization of those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups, the legitimization and justification of violence towards those from racial and ethnic groups, and reframing aggression as legitimate self-defence. The submissions contained descriptions of how political figures and elites engaged in racist hate speech, legitimizing its broad spread. The submissions also contained descriptions of how such manifestations of racist hate speech could be linked to the dissemination of misinformation and disinformation and how, in today’s interconnected world, digital technologies and social media platforms could play a powerful role in spreading and amplifying racist hate speech. This online amplification of racist hatred speech can have an impact on the trajectory of conflict within directly affected countries and spread hatred globally and incite tension and social violence towards members of racial and ethnic groups that are perceived as being connected to conflicts in other countries.¹⁸

18. Submissions from Azerbaijan, 4Métrica, HRER, Centre for Truth and Justice, For Progress of Karabakh, FDI, HRLN, Franciscans International, Lithuania, the State of Palestine, Civil Rights Defenders, World Jewish Congress, and Atina Solutions. ↩

The effect of racist hate speech on the development, outbreak and escalation of conflict situations has been recognized by multiple human rights entities. It was acknowledged in the 2013 Rabat Plan of Action on the prohibition of advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence that many of the conflicts worldwide had involved a component of incitement to national, racial or religious hatred. The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination’s general recommendation No. 35 (2013), on combating racist hate speech, underlined the “role of racist hate speech in processes leading to mass violations of human rights and genocide, and in conflict situations”.¹⁹ The Special Rapporteur on minority issues also recognized the relationship between hate speech and hate crimes, as well as atrocities, including genocide.²⁰

19. Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, general recommendations No. 35 (2013), para. 3. ↩
20. See A/HRC/49/46, para. 33. ↩

The Special Rapporteur presented a report to the General Assembly in 2023 that discussed online racist hate speech.²¹ In the report, the Special Rapporteur recognized the link between the most serious forms of hate speech and incitement to discrimination, hostility and violence and conflict situations. She called upon States to prohibit and, in the most serious cases, criminalize racist hate speech. The Special Rapporteur also urged the implementation of initiatives focused on non-legal measures, such as counter-speech, public awareness campaigns, education, community projects and steps to build societal support for plurality, based on research and data on the societal drivers of racist hate speech.

21. See A/78/538. ↩

Digital technology, in particular artificial intelligence, is playing an increasing and divisive role in conflict. The development and deployment of artificial intelligence is interconnected with racist hate speech, as described above. Content-shaping algorithms developed by social media companies can play a powerful role in the spread of racist hate speech that takes place online. Content-shaping algorithms are designed to maximize the time that people spend on social media platforms and are exposed to profit-generating advertising. They therefore often prioritize the dissemination of materials that generate high engagement, regardless of their credibility, veracity and potential to cause harm. Content-shaping algorithms can lead to the quick dissemination and amplification of racially hateful materials to a wide audience, perpetuating harmful beliefs and narratives.²² An emblematic case of online racist hate speech fuelling systemic violence was the sustained demonization of the Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar on Facebook. This sustained online racist hate speech, amounting to discrimination, hostility and violence, took place ahead of and during a campaign of ethnic violence, which has had horrific and long-lasting humanitarian consequences. Not only did Facebook fail to effectively moderate the hateful content, but also its profit-driven content-shaping algorithms have been implicated in the amplification of racist hate speech against the Rohingya ethnic group. The relentless profit-seeking reportedly continued, notwithstanding multiple warnings of grave impending harm.²³

22. Submission from Pixology Foundation. ↩
23. See A/HRC/46/57. ↩

The development of generative artificial intelligence may intensify online racist hate speech, including incitement, and its role in driving conflict and violence. Generative artificial intelligence systems are newer forms of artificial intelligence that can produce a wide range of output, including images, text, audio, video and synthetic data. As described above, hate speech and misinformation and disinformation are deeply interconnected. Incorrect information, in particular racial stereotyping, distortions of historical atrocities against groups and the scapegoating of those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups, spread sometimes unknowingly and often intentionally, can stroke racial hatred and contribute to violent conflict. The potential of generative artificial intelligence to produce racially discriminatory “deep fakes” was included in information received by the Special Rapporteur.²⁴

24. Submission from World Jewish Congress. ↩

The Special Rapporteur also received information about how the moderation of online content, which often involves algorithms, can censor the voices of those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups, including content relating to conflict situations. This was described in one submission as an “automated censorship system that reproduces structural inequalities”.²⁵ Posts by Indigenous Peoples, people of African descent, women and LGTBIQI+ people, are reportedly frequently misinterpreted or deleted by algorithms that identify terms such as “racism” or “gender violence” as potentially dangerous. The Special Rapporteur is also concerned by reports of the disproportionate censorship of Palestinian content on Meta’s Facebook and Instagram platforms.²⁶ The combination of a failure to address racial hate speech, even in cases that amount to incitement to discrimination, hostility and violence, and restrictions on the freedom of expression of those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups creates online marginalization and reproduces harmful racial hierarchies. On the other hand, there is also potential for the positive application of artificial intelligence to the moderation of online content if it is carefully designed and deployed to avoid algorithmic bias further reinforcing harmful racial hierarchies. For example, the Special Rapporteur receives information about promising research demonstrating that artificial intelligence tools can identify online antisemitic racist hate speech.²⁷

25. Submission from FDI. ↩
26. Submission from the State of Palestine. See also, Human Rights Watch, “Meta’s broken promises: systemic censorship of Palestine content on Instagram and Facebook”, 21 December 2023. ↩
27. Submission from World Jewish Congress. ↩

There are other potentially positive applications of artificial intelligence to conflict prevention and resolution. For example, artificial intelligence is starting to be used to optimize the delivery of humanitarian aid and could play a positive role in improving early warning systems.²⁸ 28 While the Special Rapporteur welcomes initiatives that deploy emerging technologies to help to prevent conflict or address its racialized impact, she is concerned about the deployment of such technologies in such a high-risk setting. Even in cases in which the goals of the application of artificial intelligence are laudable, the largely unregulated development of artificial intelligence and a tendency of any management initiatives to be “race-neutral” means there is a risk of algorithmic bias, resulting in dangerous outcomes for those from marginalized 23 See A/HRC/46/57. 24 Submission from World Jewish Congress. 25 Submission from FDI. 26 Submission from the State of Palestine. See also, Human Rights Watch, “Meta’s broken promises: systemic censorship of Palestine content on Instagram and Facebook”, 21 December 2023. 27 Submission from World Jewish Congress. 28 Submission from South Africa. racial and ethnic groups.²⁹ As the Special Rapporteur outlined in her report for the fifty-sixth session of the Human Rights Council,³⁰ data problems, algorithm design problems and accountability issues can lead to unintended discriminatory outcomes. For example, as was highlighted in a submission received by the Special Rapporteur, the application of artificial intelligence to the optimization of humanitarian aid delivery, unless carefully designed and deployed, could exacerbate existing inequalities and discrimination, potentially leading to unequal access for vulnerable populations.³¹ 31

28. Submission from South Africa. ↩
29. Submission from 4Métrica. See also A/HRC/56/68. ↩
30. See A/HRC/56/68. ↩
31. Submission from South Africa. ↩

As was also highlighted in the Special Rapporteur’s previous report, there are cases in which artificial intelligence can be used for explicitly discriminatory purposes, including in conflict contexts. In this regard, the Special Rapporteur wishes to highlight her grave concern about the use of autonomous weapon systems within conflict situations. Autonomous weapons systems include any weapon system with autonomy in its critical functions, including lethal autonomous weapons and less-lethal weapons. She received several submissions about the racially disproportionate impact of such weapons.³² There is a serious risk of grave and, in some circumstances, deadly racial discrimination resulting from the use of autonomous weapon systems. The criteria used to select targets likely include gender, age and race. Target profiles can include seemingly neutral criteria, but the machines often reflect the biases of their programmers and society. They can also be programmed with intentionally discriminatory targets. For example, Israel has reportedly been using lethal autonomous and semi-autonomous weapon systems. This reportedly includes the use of remote-controlled quadcopters to target Palestinians, in addition to automated target generation systems, operating at unparalleled speed and volume, to produce “kill lists”. The Gospel and Lavender, two artificial intelligence technology systems used by the Israel Defense Forces, are reported to have intensified the levels of destruction in Gaza, resulting in significant causalities, disproportionally affecting Palestinian women and children.³³

32. Submissions from the State of Palestine and HRLN. ↩
33. See A/HRC/56/68. ↩

The Special Rapporteur reiterates the call made in her previous report for States to address the challenge of regulating artificial intelligence with a greater sense of urgency. She stresses the need to develop regulatory frameworks that are based on a comprehensive understanding of systemic racism and that are grounded in international human rights law, including the prohibition of racial discrimination, as well as an understanding of the impact of such technologies in conflict settings.³⁴

34. Ibid. ↩

Civilians overwhelmingly bear the brunt of contemporary conflicts around the world. Recent trends demonstrate that indiscriminate and disproportionate violence tends to occur more in urban areas and/or be targeted towards public spaces, resulting in an increased risk of harm to civilians. The increasing use of starvation as a weapon of war, including through the blockade of humanitarian aid, also has devastating impacts on civilians, including children.³⁵ Horrific details of reports of the consistent denial of access to humanitarian aid, including for children, in Gaza, the Sudan, Afghanistan, Ukraine, Haiti, Yemen and Myanmar, is extremely concerning.³⁶ 36 For example, the operation of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East has been banned from Israeli-controlled territory since 29 Submission from 4Métrica. See also A/HRC/56/68. 30 See A/HRC/56/68. 31 Submission from South Africa. 32 Submissions from the State of Palestine and HRLN. 33 See A/HRC/56/68. 34 Ibid. 35 See S/2025/389. 36 United Nations and World Bank, Pathways for Peace. 10/21 28 October 2024, limiting access to crucial humanitarian aid and assistance and contributing to extraordinarily perilous conditions for thousands of local Palestinian staff.³⁷ This deliberate obstruction of humanitarian work, even amid an unprecedented humanitarian crisis, demonstrates the depth and persistence of anti-Palestinian racism. In addition to the deliberate denial of access to essential services as a method of warfare, conflict commonly disrupts civilian access to essential goods and services, including food, clean water and sanitation, adequate housing, education and health, resulting in additional deaths.³⁸

35. See S/2025/389. ↩
36. United Nations and World Bank, Pathways for Peace. ↩
37. United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), “UNRWA situation report #180 on the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem”, 18 July 2025; communication ISR 3/2025; and OHCHR, “Gaza: Israel must restore UN humanitarian system to stave off starvation, say UN experts”, 7 August 2025. ↩
38. See S/2025/389. ↩

Conflict and the lack of access to essential services also often cause endemic non-fatal injuries, which can have lifelong consequences, including disability.³⁹ As will be detailed in the subsequent section, international humanitarian law and human rights law provide protection to civilians in situations of conflict. Unfortunately, many State and non-State actors have repeatedly violated international humanitarian law and human rights law, systemically undermining its provisions. This has led to a deeply disturbing paradox whereby the more protections within international humanitarian law and human rights are violated, the more normalized large-scale civilian harm and human rights violations become.

39. Alice Priddy, “Who is the civilian population? Ensuring IHL is implemented for the protection of the entirety of the civilian population – including persons with disabilities”, International Review of the Red Cross, vol. 105, No. 922 (Cambridge University Press, 2022). ↩

Marginalized racial and ethnic groups can be disproportionately affected by the civilian harm associated with international and non-international armed conflicts, as well as broader forms of systemic societal violence. This is due to the vulnerabilities arising from their positionality and experiences of pre-existing systemic racism and intersectional discrimination, which are often legacies of enslavement and/or manifestations of past or ongoing colonialism, occupation and apartheid.⁴⁰ The majority of current violent conflicts are occurring in Africa, the Middle East and South Asia,⁴¹ which are regions with significant experiences of colonialism, enslavement and apartheid. Between 1980 and 2016, Africa had by far the highest proportion of civilian fatalities, with nearly 87 per cent of all reported civilian global fatalities.⁴² Given the information received by the Special Rapporteur about the disproportionate impact of civilian harm on those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups, she is concerned about a paucity of racially and ethnically disaggregated data to measure and monitor the impact of conflicts.

40. Submission from South Africa. ↩
41. United Nations and World Bank, Pathways for Peace. ↩
42. Ibid. ↩

One of the most effective ways to reduce civilian harm and its racially and ethnically disproportionate impact is through the taking of comprehensive conflict prevention measures, as described above. State and non-State actors, in particular armed groups, can also minimize civilian harm by exercising restraint in all conflict situations and fully respecting and upholding applicable human rights and international humanitarian law standards, as well as by ensuring unrestricted and non-discriminatory access to all forms of humanitarian aid. States and private sector actors can also contribute to the reduction of civilian harm by taking steps to prevent, address and mitigate the negative human rights impacts of arms transfers,⁴³ in particular in cases in which the transfer of arms is leading to violations of international human rights and humanitarian laws.

43. See A/HRC/58/41; and United Nations Working Group on Business and Human Rights, “Responsible business conduct in the arms sector: ensuring business practice in line with the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights”, August 2022. ↩

Protecting civilians must remain a core obligation in all conflict and crisis settings. This extends beyond preventing physical harm to actively safeguarding the rights that allow individuals and marginalized communities to express grievances, advocate for justice and show solidarity. Upholding the right to peaceful protest and freedom of expression is essential to preserving civic space, enabling accountability and fostering resilience in the face of violence or repression. The Special Rapporteur emphasizes that civilian protection must be understood not only as shielding bodies, but also as defending voices.

Sexual and gender-based violence tends to be higher in conflict and post-conflict settings and is all too often used as a tactic of war to gain and consolidate control over territory and natural resources.⁴⁴ Conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence is endemic and is reported to be increasing significantly.⁴⁵ Women and girls from racially and ethnically marginalized groups, caste oppressed groups and others facing similar discrimination are often disproportionally affected by gender-based violence, in particular sexual violence, during conflict. Women tend to be disproportionately affected, but men are also victims of sexual and gender-based violence in conflict situations.

44. See S/2025/389 and submission from Lithuania. ↩
45. United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women), “Facts and figures: women, peace and security”, 20 October 2025. ↩

Manifestations of sexual and gender-based violence perpetrated by both State and non-State actors include incidents of femicide, attempted rape, rape, gang rape, threats of rape and castration, genital mutilation, electric shocks and beatings to the genitals, and forced nudity, sexual slavery, forced marriage, forced prostitution and other forms of sexual violence, often following abduction and recruitment by armed groups. Sexual violence is also used as a form of torture in conflict-related detention settings.⁴⁶ Sexual violence is used in a strategic manner to humiliate, punish, control, inflict fear and displace women and their communities.⁴⁷ The impact of sexual and gender-based violence can be exacerbated by conflict situations, given that victims and survivors often face increased barriers to life-saving services following incidents of violence. The Special Rapporteur notes with grave concern the most recent report of the Secretary-General, in which he analysed incidences of sexual and gender-based violence in in Afghanistan, the Central African Republic, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Haiti, Israel, Libya, Mali, Myanmar, Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, the Sudan, the Syrian Arab Republic, Ukraine and Yemen, as well as the State of Palestine.⁴⁸

46. See S/2025/389. ↩
47. Amnesty International, ‘“They raped all of us’: sexual violence against women and girls in Sudan”, April 2025. ↩
48. See S/2025/389. ↩

The Special Rapporteur received submissions indicating that those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups were more vulnerable to sexual and genderbased violence.⁴⁹ This again can be explained by vulnerabilities arising from their positionality and experiences of pre-existing systemic racism and intersectional discrimination, which are often legacies of enslavement and/or manifestations of past or ongoing colonialism and apartheid. Those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups with experiences of intersectional discrimination, including women, persons 44 See S/2025/389 and submission from Lithuania. 45 United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women), “Facts and figures: women, peace and security”, 20 October 2025. 46 See S/2025/389. 47 Amnesty International, ‘“They raped all of us’: sexual violence against women and girls in Sudan”, April 2025. 48 See S/2025/389. 49 Submission from South Africa. 12/21 with disabilities, LGBTQI+ persons and migrants, including refugees and asylumseekers, may be particularly vulnerable to sexual and gender-based violence owing to the mutually compounding impact of discrimination on various grounds. The Special Rapporteur notes with concern a general paucity of racial, ethnic, caste and other similar forms of intersectional disaggregated data on sexual and gender-based violence in conflict and urges States and other stakeholders to address this to more effectively prevent, address and remedy these scourges and their impact on those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups. Forced displacement and migration

49. Submission from South Africa. ↩

According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 123.2 million people were forcibly displaced in 2024, with conflict being a primary cause.⁵⁰ The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre estimated that, of the 75.9 million internally displaced persons at the end of 2023, 68.3 million were displaced by conflict and violence.⁵¹ Many were in situations of protracted displacement and faced the prospect of never being able to return home. Data from the Office highlight that 66 per cent of refugees under its mandate have been displaced for more than five years.⁵² Conflict, famine and displacement are deeply interrelated and can be mutually compounding. Famine and food crises further contribute to the involuntary mass movement of people. Displaced people can be particularly vulnerable to the effects of famine and are disproportionately affected by food insecurity, often owing to barriers to gaining access to labour markets and a reliance on humanitarian assistance for survival. Sexual violence against women and girls has also resulted in forced displacement. For example, since the conflict started in the Sudan in April 2023, it is reported that the Rapid Support Forces have carried out widespread sexual violence across towns and villages in the Sudan to humiliate, assert control and forcefully displace families and communities from their homes.⁵³

50. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Global Trends Forced Displacement in 2024 (Copenhagen, 2025). Forced displacement refers to those internally displaced, as well as refugees and asylum-seekers. ↩
51. Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, Global Report on Internal Displacement 2024 (Geneva, 2024). ↩
52. UNHCR, “Mid-year trends 2024”, 9 October 2024. ↩
53. Communication OTH 47/2025; and Amnesty International, “They raped all of us”. ↩

The Special Rapporteur received information about the disproportionate impact of forced displacement and migration on those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups.⁵⁴ The disproportionate impact of forced displacement and migration is multidimensional. Individuals from marginalized racial and ethnic groups fleeing conflict may face racism after taking flight. For example, the Special Rapporteur received information about those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups, including people of African, Asian and Arab descent, fleeing the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine in 2022 who experienced incidents of racial discrimination. Testimonials collected by the Special Rapporteur’s predecessor reported individuals being denied access to bomb shelters, border guards preventing them from crossing the border or pushing them to the back of queues for transportation that would grant them safe passage out of the country, and, in some cases, denial of access to consulates of their countries of origin in neighbouring countries.⁵⁵

54. Submissions from South Africa, and Lithuania. ↩
55. OHCHR, “Ukraine: UN expert condemns racist threats, xenophobia at border”, 3 March 2022. ↩

Those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups are more likely to face violence while on the move. They can also find it more difficult to find a durable solution to their displacement because of the migration policies of potential host countries, in particular in the global North, which are often grounded in systemic racism and demonstrate bias against non-white migrants, including refugees and asylum-seekers.⁵⁶ This includes countries in the global North that have benefited the most from colonialism and enslavement. Such countries often continue to display indifference to the plight of non-white refugees and asylum-seekers, notwithstanding relevant obligations under international law, including the principle of non-refoulement, and the legacies of colonialism and enslavement being a powerful cause of conflict and, therefore, a causal factor in the global displacement crisis. The rise, in many countries, of nationalist and xenophobic movements, which propagate anti-immigrant and racist rhetoric, has exacerbated these challenges.⁵⁷ This indifference not only exacerbates the suffering of those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups, including caste-oppressed and similar marginalized communities displaced by conflict, but also places significant responsibility on countries in the global South. An estimated 87 per cent of those displaced by conflict are hosted in low- and middle-income countries, often by communities facing socioeconomic challenges.⁵⁸ This situation reflects racialized inequalities between countries in the global North and global South and contributes to the exacerbation of such inequalities.

56. See A/HRC/38/52. ↩
57. Submission from Instituto Decodifica. ↩
58. See www.ifc.org/en/what-we-do/sector-expertise/fragile-and-conflict-affected-situations/forced-displacement. ↩

It is very important that the interconnectedness of conflict and racial discrimination be addressed within peace, reconciliation and transitional justice processes. Once mediation to resolve conflicts has begun, the adequate representation of those from affected racial and ethnic groups, including those with experiences of intersectional discrimination, in particular women, is extremely important. The importance of the representativeness of mediation and peace processes has been recognized by international entities, including the Security Council.⁵⁹ The Special Rapporteur welcomes this recognition but notices a concerning trend whereby calls for the representativeness of mediation and peace processes tend not to be explicitly articulated in terms of ensuring racially and ethnically equitable representation or consideration of the experiences of those who faced intersectional discrimination. This could lead to gaps in terms of racial and ethnic representation and the absence of the integration of an intersectional approach to conflict resolution and peacebuilding. This risks the perpetuation of racial hierarchies and correlative privilege within peace processes, which will undermine their legitimacy and effectiveness.

59. See, for example, Security Council resolution 1325 (2000). ↩

Moreover, representativeness is not in itself sufficient to ensure genuine dialogue and meaningful resolution of racial and ethnic tensions and violations of the prohibition of racial discrimination that contributed to the outbreak and escalation of conflict. The voices of those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups and historically oppressed groups must be listened to and racial discrimination considerations must be effectively addressed. Ignoring or sidelining dialogue about the manifestations of racial and ethnic hatred and systemic racism that underline conflict within peace negotiations will lead to fragile deals that undermine the longerterm consolidation and building of peace. Many violent conflicts that reached various stages of peace, reconciliation and transitional justice have relapsed into conflict. As recognized within the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action, equality and non-discrimination are central to post-conflict reconciliation. The effective mainstreaming of anti-racial discrimination standards and considerations into peace 56 See A/HRC/38/52. 57 Submission from Instituto Decodifica. 58 See www.ifc.org/en/what-we-do/sector-expertise/fragile-and-conflict-affected-situations/forceddisplacement. 59 See, for example, Security Council resolution 1325 (2000). 14/21 negotiations and peacebuilding processes and mechanisms could be a powerful tool in preventing such relapses.

Another vital consideration in preventing the relapse into conflicts is ensuring truth, accountability and reparation for human rights violations. Effective peace and reconciliation require truth and accountability for human rights violations that have taken place during the outbreak and escalation of conflict, including violations of the prohibition of racial discrimination. Transitional justice processes and mechanisms, including judicial and non-judicial processes, can play an indispensable role in this respect. Transitional justice processes and mechanisms focus on the investigation, prosecution and remedy of past human rights violations, including in conflict situations. They can also include efforts to reform institutions and memorialize historical events and cultural initiatives. The Special Rapporteur stresses the importance of the consistent integration of analysis of the racial and ethnic dimensions of conflict and equality, non-discrimination and racial justice standards into transitional justice processes.

Addressing conflict-related human rights violations in a lasting manner and remedying impunity also requires a systemic approach that acknowledges, addresses and remediates colonialism, enslavement and apartheid as grave human rights violations and major drivers of conflict. As was articulated in one of the submissions received by the Special Rapporteur, “sustainable peace is not possible without addressing the entrenched systems of racial inequality and colonial domination that often underpin modern conflicts”.⁶⁰ In this respect, the Special Rapporteur welcomes the joining up of work on anti-racism and transitional justice and calls for reparatory justice within the work of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the racial justice and human rights mechanisms.⁶¹ For example, the High Commissioner’s agenda towards transformative change for racial justice and equality contains calls for comprehensive processes to halt, reverse and repair the lasting consequences and ongoing manifestations of the legacies of enslavement, the transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans and colonialism.⁶² The Special Rapporteur stresses the importance of the broader mainstreaming of reparatory justice approaches, which acknowledge, address and remedy colonialism, enslavement and apartheid, into the conflict prevention and resolution work of States, the United Nations and other multilateral actors.

60. Submission from Baku Initiative. ↩
61. See for example, A/HRC/60/72, A/HRC/60/77 and A/74/321. ↩
62. See A/HRC/47/53. ↩

Equality and non-discrimination and the maintenance of international peace and security are both embedded within the Charter of the United Nations and central to the rationale and objectives of the United Nations. International human rights and humanitarian law have further elaborated on and enshrined the relevant obligations of States and other actors in ensuring equality, non-discrimination, peace and security. International human rights law and international humanitarian law have a symbiotic relationship and are both important to conflict and racial discrimination. International human rights law plays an important role in preventing armed conflict, given that respect for such standards often prevents violence. International humanitarian law starts to apply in situations of international and non-international armed conflict. The Special Rapporteur stresses the concurrent applicability of international humanitarian 60 Submission from Baku Initiative. 61 See for example, A/HRC/60/72, A/HRC/60/77 and A/74/321. 62 See A/HRC/47/53. and human rights law in international and non-international armed conflicts.⁶³ 63 International human rights law also applies in broader situations of systemic societal violence, which may not constitute an international or non-international conflict. In the present section, the Special Rapporteur presents a non-exhaustive analysis of key international human rights and humanitarian standards.

63. Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 2004, p. 136; Human Rights Committee, general comment No. 29 (2001), para. 3; and E/C.12/1/Add.69. ↩

The international human rights law framework obliges States to prevent, address and ensure accountability for all manifestations of racial discrimination, including those related to the various stages of conflict. The most comprehensive prohibition of racial discrimination can be found in the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. States Parties to the Convention have committed themselves to pursuing the realization of a domestic and international community free of all forms of racism. To facilitate the substantive realization of racial equality, in line with article 2 of the Convention, States Parties are required to ensure that they neither take part in any act of racial discrimination nor further programmes that lead to racial inequality. Furthermore, where racism, racial inequality or racial discrimination exists, States Parties have an obligation to take effective and immediate action. This obligation to act is absolute. States’ obligations to prevent racial inequality and racial discrimination encompass both preventive and remedial actions. These comprehensive duties to address racial discrimination and ensure substantive equality apply to all manifestations of the interconnection between conflict and racism. These obligations also apply extraterritorially, as has been confirmed by the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.⁶⁴

64. See CERD/C/100/3; CERD/C/ISR/CO/14-16; CERD/C/ISR/CO/13; and CERD/C/304/Add.45. ↩

As highlighted above, special measures can play an important role in building fair and inclusive societies that can help to prevent conflict. The meaning of the term “special measures” and the obligation of States to take special measures are contained in article 1, paragraph 4, and article 2, paragraph 2, of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Article 7 of the Convention is also highly relevant to conflict prevention. In it, States are called upon to “adopt immediate and effective measures, particularly in the fields of teaching, education, culture and information, with a view to combating prejudices which lead to racial discrimination and to promoting understanding, tolerance and friendship among nations and racial or ethnical groups”.

In relation to the interconnected relationship between hate speech and conflict, the Special Rapporteur highlights article 4 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and the Committee’s general recommendation No. 35 (2013), on combating racist hate speech. In it, the role of hate speech in conflict is acknowledged and obligations to address persistent racial hatred and promote inter-ethnic understanding and tolerance that are relevant to conflict related peace, reconciliation and justice processes are outlined.⁶⁵

65. General recommendation No. 35 (2013), para. 35. ↩

Article 5 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, read in conjunction with article 2, is highly relevant to the disproportionate impact of conflict on those from marginalized racial and ethnic groups. It guarantees the right of everyone, without distinction as to race, colour or national or ethnic origin, to equality before the law, including in relation to several specific rights. These rights include the right to the security of person and protection by the State against violence or bodily harm, whether inflicted by government officials or by any individual group or institution, the right to freedom of movement, the right to leave any country, including one’s own, and to return to one’s country, and the right to nationality.

Relevant provisions in the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination are complemented by other international human rights treaties, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Owing to space limitations, the Special Rapporteur has not included an analysis of such provisions but wishes to highlight their importance and applicability to marginalized racial and ethnic groups.

The 1949 Geneva Conventions are the foundational standards within international humanitarian law, which establish legally permissible parameters for armed conflicts to limit their effects. The principle of distinction, which requires that Parties to an armed conflict always distinguish between civilians and combatants, as well as civilian and military objects, is central to the Conventions. The principle of distinction goes hand in hand with the customary principle of precaution. This principle instructs military operations to take constant care to spare the civilian populations and to avoid and minimize harm to civilians. The Conventions enshrine the principle of non-discrimination by prohibiting discrimination, also known as the prohibition of adverse distinction. This prohibits discrimination against protected persons such as civilians, prisoners of war and the wounded during hostilities.

The Geneva Conventions and their additional Protocols have provisions relating to starvation as a weapon of war and non-discriminatory access to humanitarian aid to reduce the civilian harm of conflict. The Special Rapporteur highlights that article 12 of Protocol II Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 prohibits starvation as a method of warfare. Pursuant to the Fourth Geneva Convention, States are required, in situations of international armed conflict, to allow the free passage of all consignments of medical and hospital stores intended only for civilians and for the free passage of all consignments of essential foodstuffs, clothing and tonics intended for children under 15 years of age, expectant mothers and maternity cases. Protocol I Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 broadens this obligation to cover “rapid and unimpeded passage of all relief consignments, equipment and personnel”. In addition, the Fourth Geneva Convention and the Hague Regulations provide that civilians in occupied territory must be protected and provided with essential services. Humanitarian relief operations must be protected and facilitated and must strictly respect the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence.

Another source of international humanitarian law that is highly relevant to the relationship between racial discrimination and conflict is the 1948 Genocide Convention. The Convention was one of the first United Nations conventions to address humanitarian issues and encodes genocide as a crime that occurs during both peace and war, as well as an international crime, which entails the national and international responsibility of individuals and States. In article 2 of the Convention, genocide is defined as “any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) killing members of the group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) forcibly transferring children of the group to another group”. The Convention establishes the following as punishable crimes: (a) genocide; (b) conspiracy to commit genocide; (c) direct and public incitement to commit genocide; (d) attempt to commit genocide; and (e) complicity in genocide.

Soft law standards have further expanded on the steps that States should take to meet their obligations under international human rights and humanitarian laws. The Durban Declaration and Programme of Action elaborated on the steps that States need to take to ensure the eradication of all forms of racial discrimination. It recognizes the connection between racial discrimination and conflict, including through an emphasis on the centrality of equality and non-discrimination in post-conflict reconciliation.

The 2005 Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law are also particularly relevant to peace, reconciliation and justice in conflict situations. The Guidelines set out five main elements of remedy and reparations for human rights violations: restitution; compensation; rehabilitation; satisfaction; and guarantees of non-repetition. It is explained in the guidelines that the principle of guarantee of non-repetition plays a part in preventing human rights violations. Guarantees of non-repetition has been interpreted as an obligation not only to ensure that individual victims do not suffer the same treatment again, but also to systematically ensure, through measures such as legislation and training and awareness-raising, that similar violations do not take place in the future. It is stated in the Guidelines that they must be implemented in a non-discriminatory manner.⁶⁶

66. See General Assembly resolution 60/147. ↩

Violent conflict has intensified in recent years and rages around the world. Moreover, there is a grave risk that such conflict will further increase in the coming years. It is projected that, by 2030, more than half of the people living in poverty will live in countries affected by high levels of violence.⁶⁷ As well as becoming more prevalent, violent conflicts, both within and between States, are becoming more protracted and increasingly complex, often involving a range of non-State actors. Contemporary conflicts are also becoming more interconnected with other major global challenges, including inequality and a lack of sustainable development for all, climate change, natural disasters, cybersecurity threats and transnational organized crime.

67. United Nations and World Bank, Pathways for Peace. ↩

The human rights-related impact of intensifying conflict is devastating. Interconnections between racial discrimination, including systemic racism, and violent conflict and its consequences are complex, layered and multidimensional. The powerful and destructive interconnectedness of conflict and racial discrimination contravenes both equality and non-discrimination and the maintenance of international peace and security as foundational norms of the United Nations, the post-World War Two international order and international law. The status quo, whereby conflict and racial discrimination reinforce each another, deepening the exclusion of and harm to racialized groups, is unacceptable and cannot be sustained. Significantly increasing investment in anti-racism and conflict prevention and resolution, as interconnected and mutually reinforcing goals, is vital and highly urgent.

The Special Rapporteur, while welcoming the findings and recommendations of some human rights entities on the topic of racial discrimination and conflict,⁶⁸ observes that the topic has not been extensively explored by either human rights or peace and security entities. In the current geopolitical context, it is urgent and important to ensure that the connection between racial discrimination and conflict be acknowledged, analysed and integrated into conflict prevention, peacekeeping, human rights and anti-racism efforts. In this respect, the Special Rapporteur views the present report as a first step in an ongoing dialogue with States, United Nations entities and other stakeholders on this vital topic. The Special Rapporteur concludes the present report with a series of recommendations to States and other actors.

68. See, for example, A/HRC/60/79; Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, general recommendation No. 35 (2013); and various concluding observations of the Committee. ↩

States should:
(a) Step up efforts to effectively implement the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action and other human rights standards, given that addressing racial discrimination is a key component of preventing conflict.
(b) Ensure that incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence is prohibited and, in the most serious cases, criminalized within national legal frameworks, in a manner that is consistent with international human rights norms and standards, including the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Rabat Plan of Action;
(c) Effectively implement article 4 of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination to address the corrosive role that racist hate speech plays in violent conflict;
(d) Significantly invest in proactive, evidence-based non-legal measures to address racist hate speech, including incitement to discrimination, hostility and violence and its impact on conflict, including counter-speech, public awareness campaigns, education, community projects and steps to build societal support for pluralism;
(e) Uphold the right to freedom of expression and opinion, within all efforts to prevent and address racist hate speech as a driver and accelerant of conflict, ensuring that any restrictions on these rights meet the criteria of legality, necessity, proportionality and legitimacy;
(f) Address racialized economic inequality, uphold economic, social and cultural rights and promote fair, equitable and sustainable development, including by considering resource redistribution policies that reduce the inequalities within and between countries that stoke conflict;
(g) Continue and increase funding to civil society and community-based actors, including those working directly on anti-racial discrimination, as key actors in conflict prevention, and ensure that such organizations can undertake their work free from any forms of interference or repression;
(h) Continue and strengthen engagement with the United Nations and ensure adequate funding to all elements of its mandate, given its vital work in maintaining international peace and security and addressing racial discrimination;
(i) Uphold and implement all findings of the International Court of Justice as a key conflict prevention mechanism;
(j) Establish inclusive, data-informed early warning systems to proactively detect signs of conflict and human rights violations, including manifestations of racial discrimination, and ensure timely and effective action to prevent conflict and address racial discrimination;
(k) Ensure that data disaggregated on the basis of race, ethnicity, caste and all intersecting grounds for discrimination are included within early warning systems;
(l) Integrate community engagement and participation mechanisms into all early warning systems and embed meaningful participation from marginalized racial and ethnic communities in the design and operation of these systems;
(m) Fully utilize the findings and recommendations of the United Nations human rights machinery in developing effective early warning systems and taking timely action to prevent conflict;
(n) Address the challenge of regulating artificial intelligence with a greater sense of urgency, bearing in mind the speed with which these technologies are being developed and the grave human rights risks that can be associated with their deployment in conflict situations;
(o) Develop artificial intelligence regulatory frameworks that are grounded in international human rights law, including the prohibition of racial discrimination, as well as the lived experiences of those from marginalized racial, ethnic groups and caste-oppressed communities;
(p) Immediately cease any applications of artificial intelligence in conflict situations that contribute to violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, including the prohibition of racial discrimination. Consider prohibiting the use of artificial intelligence systems that have been shown to have unacceptable human rights risks in conflict situations. Ensure that efforts to regulate artificial intelligence address the role that algorithms play in the moderation of online content and the real-life consequences of this in relation to conflict and adopt a human rights-based framework that prohibits racial discrimination and prioritizes the protection of marginalized communities;
(q) Effectively implement the previous recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on emerging digital technologies and racial discrimination;⁶⁹
(r) Collect, analyse and publish data disaggregated by race, ethnicity, caste, gender and other similar intersections on the impacts of conflict, including sexual and gender-based violence, conflict-driven forced migration and displacement and civilian casualties in international and non-international armed conflicts and those killed and injured in broader forms of systemic, societal violence, and ensure that all data-collection activities are conducted in line with international human rights law provisions and relevant guidance;
(s) Exercise restraint in all conflict situations and fully respect and uphold applicable human rights and international humanitarian law standards;
(t) Ensure unrestricted and non-discriminatory access to all forms of humanitarian aid;
(u) Immediately cease any manifestations of the horrifying and prohibited practice of using aid blockades and starvation as a weapon of war;
(v) Ensure the protection of civilians in all conflict contexts through strict adherence to international human rights and humanitarian law, with targeted safeguards for marginalized racial groups, ethnic groups and caste-oppressed communities, taking into account their positionality and vulnerabilities because of pre-existing systemic racism and discrimination;
(w) Immediately cease transfers of weapons and ammunition to countries that violate international humanitarian law and international human rights law, including the prohibition of racial discrimination;
(x) Prevent sexual and gender-based violence through comprehensive efforts to prevent conflict;
(y) Implement gender-responsive conflict prevention strategies that prioritize the rights and needs of racialized women and marginalized gender groups;
(z) Provide specialized, inclusive and accessible services for victims and survivors of conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence, including access to sexual and reproductive health services, maternal healthcare support and psychological counselling, and ensure that such services be specifically sensitive to the needs of those from racialized groups, including those with experiences of intersectional discrimination;
(aa) Prevent forced displacement and migration through comprehensive efforts to prevent conflict;
(bb) Continue and expand efforts to provide durable solutions to people who have been internally displaced by conflict;
(cc) Ensure due process guarantees in the asylum procedure for all those fleeing conflicts, with guarantees of a fair hearing, effective remedies, non-refoulement and non-collective expulsion;
(dd) Consider reparatory justice considerations when developing policies on forced displacement and migration, in particular in cases in which countries have historically benefited significantly from colonialism and enslavement, given that the legacies of these scourges are a powerful driver of conflict and displacement;
(ee) Conduct all data-collection activities relating to conflict prevention and monitoring in line with international human rights law provisions and relevant guidance;
(ff) Advance the Durban Declaration and Programme of Action through the effective embedding of equality and non-discrimination in post-conflict reconciliation efforts;
(gg) Take measures to ensure the adequate representation and meaningful participation of those from all affected racial and ethnic groups to ensure sustainable peace;
(hh) Ensure the consistent integration of analysis of the racial and ethnic dimensions of conflict and equality, non-discrimination and racial justice standards in the transitional justice process;
(ii) Mainstream reparatory justice approaches, which acknowledge, address and remedy colonialism, enslavement and apartheid, into all efforts to prevent, address and resolve conflicts.

69. See A/HRC/56/68, A/HRC/44/57 and A/75/590. ↩

The following are recommendations to other stakeholders:
(a) Civil society organizations, faith-based groups, community groups and academics should continue and expand work on conflict prevention;
(b) The United Nations and other multilateral actors should continue and strengthen work on early warning systems, including ensuring that racial discrimination considerations are maintained into such systems and that they integrate data disaggregated by race and ethnicity;
(c) The United Nations system and other multilateral actors should work with States to strengthen their capacity to prevent and resolve conflict through preventive diplomacy, peacekeeping, the promotion and protection of human rights and sustainable development;
(d) In line with the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, including principle 7, companies with activities that are related to conflict, including technology companies and arms companies, should regularly undertake enhanced human rights due diligence to ensure that their products are not used in ways that violate international human rights and international humanitarian laws. Investors should also undertake such due diligence;
(e) Non-State actors, in particular armed groups, must exercise restraint in all conflict situations and fully respect and uphold applicable human rights and international humanitarian law;
(f) Non-State actors should engage constructively with transitional justice processes that integrate analysis of the racial and ethnic dimensions of conflict, as well as equality, non-discrimination and racial justice standards.