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A/81/128

The psychosocial impact of colour-based discrimination on the enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism

IE Albinism · 2026 · Mandate-holder: Muluka-Anne Miti-Drummond · 94 paragraphs

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I. Introduction

¶1

The present document is the report of the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism, Muluka-Anne Miti-Drummond. It is submitted pursuant to Human Rights Council resolutions 28/6 and 55/18. It highlights the psychosocial impact of colour-based discrimination on persons with albinism as it relates to their enjoyment of rights, particularly the rights to life, work, education, public participation and health.

¶2

In preparing the report, the Independent Expert disseminated a call for input in the form of a questionnaire to Member States and held consultations with civil society and non-governmental entities through virtual meetings and surveys. The consultations included expert interviews and perspectives from persons with albinism and organizations working broadly on albinism from Africa, Europe and Latin America.

¶3

In response to the questionnaire, the Independent Expert received submissions from seven Member States, namely, Brazil, Colombia, Uzbekistan, Montenegro, Iraq, Kenya and the Niger.

¶4

In addition, 71 activists from the albinism movement globally were consulted through virtual meetings and an online survey. Their submissions provided the basis for the analyses and recommendations in the present report. The contributions provided insights on existing gaps and best practices, including specific legislative and policy measures taken to address colour-based discrimination. Data and information from country visits previously undertaken by the Independent Expert and literature review further complemented the data obtained. The Independent Expert provides recommendations for addressing concerns raised in this report.

II. Activities of the Independent Expert in 2026

¶5

During the period from July 2025 to July 2026, the Independent Expert undertook various activities in the implementation of her mandate, some of which are highlighted below.

¶6

In March 2026, the Independent Expert, in collaboration with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, organized a four-day capacity-building training on engagement with United Nations human rights mechanisms. The workshop brought together representatives of albinism organizations from Africa, Europe and the Americas. Participants from Asia were unable to attend due to the geopolitical situation impacting flights at the time.

¶7

In April 2026, together with the African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child, the Independent Expert launched a guiding note on reporting on the rights and welfare of children with albinism in Africa. The same month, she participated in a global convening of albinism leaders, held in Botswana. The convening brought together albinism leaders from Africa, Canada, South America, Europe and Asia, creating space for candid exchanges on key priorities for the movement. She took the opportunity of her presence in Botswana to meet with albinism leaders in the country. Similarly, in April 2026, the Independent Expert participated in the launch of Zambia’s National Action Plan for the Protection of Persons with Albinism (2026–2030). The launch event was hosted by the Government of Zambia in collaboration with the Cheshire Homes Society and the Africa Albinism Network.

¶8

In June 2026, the Independent Expert conducted a country visit to Pakistan. This was the first official visit of the mandate holder to an Asian country, and the first official country visit of a United Nations mandate holder to Pakistan in 14 years. Her visit provided an opportunity to engage with the authorities and raised awareness around the needs of persons with albinism in Pakistan. The report of the country visit will be presented to the Human Rights Council in March 2027. The Independent Expert extends her gratitude to the Government of Pakistan for the cooperation extended for the visit.

¶9

In June 2026, the Independent Expert participated as a speaker at the Witchcraft Accusation and Harmful Practices: Professional Responses and Operational Learning, conference held at Lancaster University, United Kingdom. The conference focused on eliminating harmful practices related to witchcraft beliefs, in line with Human Rights Council resolution 47/8.

III. Definitions

A. Albinism

¶10

Albinism is a rare, non-contagious, genetically inherited condition that occurs in populations all over the world, regardless of race or ethnicity.1 The most common form of albinism, oculocutaneous albinism, is characterized by lack of melanin pigment in the hair, skin and eyes, causing susceptibility and vulnerability to skin damage from exposure to the sun, including skin cancer. Persons with albinism also have visual impairments, including photophobia, nystagmus, low visual acuity, refractive error and sometimes strabismus. Due to lack of melanin, persons with albinism are much lighter in complexion than other people of their race, ethnicity or family who do not have albinism. Their lighter complexion tends to make them hypervisible in society, with their physical difference being more pronounced where others of their race or ethnicity generally have a darker complexion. Estimates of the prevalence of albinism are contested in most countries. Moreover, there is often a lack of disaggregated data on persons with albinism, which remains a major hindrance to the effective formulation of a rights-based approach to their situation.2

  1. Jennifer G. R. Kromberg, “Epidemiology of albinism”, in Albinism in Africa: Historical, Geographical, Medical, Genetic, and Psychosocial Aspects, Jennifer Kromberg and Prashiela Manga, eds. (San Diego, Academic Press, 2018), pp. 57–79. ↩
  2. A/HRC/61/53, para. 10. ↩

B. Colour-based discrimination and colourism

¶11

Colour-based discrimination refers to stereotyping, prejudice and discrimination on the basis of one’s “pigmentation, complexion, skin shade or tone”.3 The foremost global human rights instrument on race, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, categorizes colour-based discrimination as a form of racial discrimination. It defines “racial discrimination” as any “distinction, exclusion, restriction or preference” that occurs on the basis of five specific grounds, including race, colour, descent and national or ethnic origin.4

  1. See www.eeoc.gov/laws/guidance/facts-about-racecolor-discrimination. ↩
  2. Art. 1, para. 1. ↩
¶12

Colour-based discrimination can occur between people belonging to different races or ethnicities (interracial discrimination) and can also occur between people of the same race or ethnicity (intraracial discrimination).5

  1. Leland Ware, “‘Colour Struck’: intragroup and cross-racial colour discrimination”, Connecticut Public Interest Law Journal, vol. 13, No. 1 (2013), p. 79. ↩
¶13

A similar term is colourism, which is an ideological concept focusing on how society ascribes value to certain skin tones and, ultimately, how individuals are treated because of their skin colour. For this report, however, the Independent Expert has opted to use the term “colour-based discrimination” because “colourism” typically advances the ideology that lighter skin tones are more attractive and favourable than darker skin tones.6 This deeply-entrenched colour hierarchy generally disfavours individuals with darker complexions, as evidenced by the expansion of the global market for skin-lightening chemicals.7 Persons with albinism, on the other hand, tend to be less favourably treated due to their lighter complexion.

  1. Jean Burke, “Colourism as an intra-racial phenomenon: the case of Tanzania”, conference proceedings paper from the 37th annual conference of the African Studies Association of Australasia and the Pacific, Dunedin, New Zealand, November 2014, January 2015. ↩
  2. Ware, “‘Colour Struck’”, pp. 80 and 82. ↩

C. Mental health

¶14

The World Health Organization defines mental health as “a state of mental well-being that enables people to cope with the stresses of life, realize their abilities, learn and work well, and contribute to their community”, which constitutes “a basic human right”.8 It is a state that is influenced from time to time by a range of individual, family, community and structural factors that combine to either undermine or protect mental health. It exists on a continuum and is experienced differently from person to person.9 Mental health conditions include mental disorders such as anxiety disorders, bipolar disorder and depressive disorder, as well as other mental states that are associated with substantial distress, risk of self-harm and impairment in functioning.10 Social or environmental factors such as poverty, violence, inequality, environmental deprivation and discrimination and individual factors such as genetics, substance abuse and emotional skills increase the likelihood of experiencing poor mental health.11

  1. See www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/mental-health-strengthening-our-response. ↩
  2. Ibid. ↩
  3. Ibid. ↩
  4. See www.cdc.gov/mental-health/about/index.html; and www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/mental-health-strengthening-our-response. ↩
¶15

The present report focuses on the psychosocial impact of colour-based discrimination, which is closely linked to the mental health state of persons with albinism. The term “psychosocial” refers to an approach that addresses the intersection between the internal cognitive aspects of an individual’s life and external social factors.12 It is concerned with the combined effect of psychological factors and the social environment on peoples’ physical and mental well-being.13 In this context, the psychosocial impact of colour-based discrimination addresses the cumulative effect of psychological factors and social environments on the mental well-being of persons with albinism.

  1. See https://study.com/academy/lesson/what-is-psychosocial-health-definition-components-traits.html. ↩
  2. Kath Woodward, Psychosocial Studies: An Introduction (New York, Routledge, 2015), pp. 3, 4, 7 and 8. ↩

IV. Normative and policy framework

A. Global human rights laws and standards

¶16

At the global level, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination is the primary instrument that exclusively addresses all forms of racial discrimination, including colour-based discrimination. It prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, colour, descent, national or ethnic origin.14 14 Discrimination on any one of these grounds contravenes the Convention. 15 Therefore, 6 Jean Burke, “Colourism as an intra-racial phenomenon: the case of Tanzania”, conference proceedings paper from the 37th annual conference of the African Studies Association of Australasia and the Pacific, Dunedin, New Zealand, November 2014, January 2015. 7 Ware, “‘Colour Struck’”, pp. 80 and 82. 8 See www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/mental-health-strengthening-our-response. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 See www.cdc.gov/mental-health/about/index.html; and www.who.int/news-room/factsheets/detail/mental-health-strengthening-our-response. 12 See https://study.com/academy/lesson/what-is-psychosocial-health-definition-components-traits.html. 13 Kath Woodward, Psychosocial Studies: An Introduction (New York, Routledge, 2015), pp. 3, 4, 7 and 8. 14 Art. 1. 15 A/72/131, para. 18. 6/22 discrimination on the basis of colour alone constitutes discrimination prohibited by the Convention.

  1. Art. 1. ↩
¶17

Other instruments also prohibit colour-based discrimination within the framework of anti-discrimination, namely the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;16 the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;17 the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights;18 the Convention on the Rights of the Child;19 and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.20 While the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women does not explicitly categorize colour-based discrimination, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has adopted an intersectional approach, acknowledging that gender-based discrimination is often inextricably linked to factors like race, ethnicity and socioeconomic status.

  1. Art. 2. ↩
  2. Arts. 2, 4, 24 and 26. ↩
  3. Art. 2, para. 2. ↩
  4. Art. 2. ↩
  5. Preamble, para. (p). ↩

B. Regional human rights laws and standards

¶18

In the African region, discrimination on the basis of colour is prohibited in a number of instruments, including the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights;21 the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in Africa;22 and the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa.23

  1. Art. 2. ↩
  2. Art. 5. ↩
  3. Preamble. ↩
¶19

In Europe, colour-based discrimination is prohibited in the European Convention on Human Rights24 and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.25 The inter-American human rights system prohibits colour-based discrimination in the American Convention on Human Rights26 and the Inter-American Convention against Racism, Racial Discrimination and Related Forms of Intolerance.27 The Inter-American Convention on Protecting the Human Rights of Older Persons also mentions colour-based discrimination in relation to the protection of older persons from violence.28 Finally, the Arab Charter on Human Rights also prohibits colour-based discrimination.29

  1. Art. 14; and art. 1 of Protocol No. 12. ↩
  2. Art. 21. ↩
  3. Art. 1 (1). ↩
  4. Art. 2, as read with art. 1 (1). ↩
  5. Art. 9. ↩
  6. Arts. 3 (1), 4 (1) and 34 (1). ↩
¶20

Colour-based discrimination is also typically addressed within the framework of anti-discrimination laws at the national level. Several countries have anti-discrimination provisions in their constitutions that prohibit colour-based discrimination, including South Africa,30 Zimbabwe,31 Kenya,32 Canada33 and the United Kingdom.34 16 Art. 2. 17 Arts. 2, 4, 24 and 26. 18 Art. 2, para. 2. 19 Art. 2. 20 Preamble, para. (p). 21 Art. 2. 22 Art. 5. 23 Preamble. 24 Art. 14; and art. 1 of Protocol No. 12. 25 Art. 21. 26 Art. 1 (1). 27 Art. 2, as read with art. 1 (1). 28 Art. 9. 29 Arts. 3 (1), 4 (1) and 34 (1). 30 Sect. 9 (3). 31 Art. 56 (3). 32 Art. 27 (4). 33 Sect. 15 (1). 34 Art. 14 (1).

  1. Sect. 9 (3). ↩
¶21

In other countries, colour-based discrimination is also addressed in specific national anti-discrimination legislation, such as South Africa’s Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act of 2000,35 Australia’s Racial Discrimination Act of 197536 and Montenegro’s Law on the Prohibition of Discrimination.

  1. Sect. 1. ↩
  2. Sect. 9 (1). ↩
¶22

Another approach adopted at the national level has been to address colour-based discrimination in the context of specific sectors, such as employment (e.g. South Africa’s Employment Equity Act37 and Uzbekistan’s Labour Code38) and the right to vote (e.g. Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of the United States). There has also been an exponential increase in specialized anti-discrimination commissions, equality bodies and national human rights commissions with specific mandates to enforce anti-discrimination laws.

  1. Sect. 6 (1). ↩
  2. Art. 4. ↩
¶23

At the policy level, some countries have taken measures specifically for persons with albinism. For example, Brazil’s Law No. 15,140 of 2025 establishes the National Policy for the Protection of the Rights of Persons with Albinism, which provides for the development and implementation of a national registry that will facilitate the creation of specific public policies for persons with albinism in Brazil. Several African countries have also developed national action plans to protect persons with albinism from discrimination in a variety of sectors, with Zambia being the most recent country to adopt such a plan, in 2026.

¶24

There are also countries that have policies related to persons with disabilities in general, which apply equally to persons with albinism, such as Montenegro’s Strategy for the Protection of Equality of Persons with Disabilities (2022–2027).

V. Root causes/drivers of colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism

¶25

Globally, persons with albinism experience colour-based discrimination, a fact that the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has acknowledged.39 The albinism context, however, challenges common perceptions of colourism and constitutes an exception to the general trend whereby persons with darker skin tones are treated less favourably. As one person stated during the Independent Expert’s recent country visit to Pakistan, “In our society lighter skin tone is generally favoured, but we are considered as too much on the extreme. We are too light.”

  1. Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, general recommendation No. 37 (2024), para. 5. See also the Committee’s concluding observations on Burundi (CERD/C/BDI/CO/11-19, para. 37), Namibia (CERD/C/NAM/CO/16-18, paras. 24 and 25) and Zambia (CERD/C/ZMB/CO/17-19, para. 29). ↩
¶26

The light colouring of persons with albinism makes them hypervisible, particularly in geographic locations such as sub-Saharan Africa, where the majority of the population has a darker skin tone. Persons with albinism often face colour-based discrimination at the hands of people who are of the same race, descent or national or ethnic origin as them (intraracial discrimination).40

  1. A/72/131, para. 17. ↩
¶27

Discrimination is more acute where the difference in complexion between persons with albinism and others of the same race is stark, such as in sub-Saharan Africa. In countries where there is a slight difference in skin colour between persons with albinism and the rest of the population, discrimination still exists, albeit to a lesser extent. In Australia, for example, persons with albinism generally do not stand out as much because the majority of the population has low pigmentation and fair skin.41 Similarly, in Northern Europe, where most people have light skin, light hair and light eye colours, albinism does not stand out so much physically.42 Nevertheless, colour-based discrimination still exists in these countries. The Independent Expert has heard from people who shared stories of being called names or being verbally abused because of their colour. One person from the United Kingdom talked about how a young man had leaned out of his car window and hurled insults at her about her colour as she walked down the street.

  1. A/74/190, para. 46. ↩
  2. A/76/166, para. 72. ↩
¶28

While racism is rooted in historical colonial biases, colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism is based on myths and superstitions. The myths about albinism have different purposes, with some seeking to explain the origins of albinism and others seeking to justify the ostracism, exclusion and discrimination against persons with albinism as a “natural necessity”.43 Regardless of their purpose, myths and misconceptions about albinism in different geographical regions drive colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism.

  1. A/71/255, para. 5. ↩

A. Myths and misconceptions about albinism

¶29

There are many myths and misconceptions about albinism across the globe, many of which dehumanize persons with albinism in diverse ways. Some myths perceive albinism in a negative light, associating it with evil, curses and punishment for wrongdoing.44 These myths exist in East, South, Central and West Africa, as well as in Asia and the Pacific. In these regions, the birth of a child with albinism is also associated with immoral behaviour on the part of the mother, including having an extramarital affair with a European man.45 Due to these negative misconceptions, albinism is generally associated with numerous cycles of shame, blame and guilt. Other myths dehumanize persons with albinism in a “positive” way, including by deifying them as god-like, as is the case among the Guna people in Latin America, who consider persons with albinism as protectors.46 Other people in the African region believe that persons with albinism are endowed with mystical powers capable of bringing good luck to others.47 In some countries in Africa, there is a myth that the use of body parts belonging to persons with albinism for ritual purposes can bring good luck and great wealth, and this has resulted in ritual attacks and killings against them.48 Other myths purport that albinism limits one’s intellectual and physical capacity.49 All these myths influence and drive colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism.

  1. A/74/190, para. 13. ↩
  2. Ibid. ↩
  3. A/71/255, para. 21. ↩
  4. A/74/190, para. 13. ↩
  5. Ibid., para. 15. ↩
  6. Farai Maunganidze and others, “Employment barriers and opportunities faced by people with albinism: a case of youths with albinism in Harare, Zimbabwe”, Cogent Social Sciences, vol. 8, No. 1 (2022), p. 4. ↩

B. The role of the media in perpetuating myths and misconceptions

¶30

Popular culture typically depicts albinism in a negative light, as evidenced by characters with albinism being portrayed as “deviant, deranged, sadistic, evil or supernatural”.50 A number of movies, books and other literary works have been criticized for perpetuating the “evil albino” stereotype, including popular titles such as The Da Vinci Code.51 Film industries in countries other than the United States, for example, the Nigerian film industry (Nollywood), have also portrayed albinism in a negative light and, in some instances, have normalized harmful practices associated with witchcraft, including in relation to persons with albinism.52 It is rare to encounter instances where characters with albinism are portrayed in a positive light, and, even when this happens, as in the movie Powder, the character is often portrayed as mystical.53

  1. A/76/166, para. 6. ↩
  2. Ibid., para. 7. ↩
  3. Ibid. ↩
  4. Ibid., para. 8. ↩
¶31

It has also been brought to the attention of the Independent Expert that there is a growing amount of social media content “joking” about selling body parts, ridiculing the low vision of persons with albinism or depicting them as being subjected to abuse and humiliation in the name of content creation. Such content is dangerous, as it normalizes and trivializes the negative lived experiences of persons with albinism and perpetuates discrimination against them.

¶32

The mass media has also fuelled discrimination and attacks against persons with albinism by publishing the prices of body parts belonging to them, which is likely to create an incentive for attacks against persons with albinism, including in places where they had not happened before.54

  1. A/71/255, para. 76. ↩
¶33

In recent years, however, there have been growing attempts to portray albinism in a positive light in the media as a way of challenging the discrimination that persons with albinism face. As part of this effort, a number of models with albinism have been hired in the fashion world.55

  1. A/76/166, para. 9. ↩

C. Dearth of publicly accessible information on albinism

¶34

Ignorance and lack of awareness about the scientific and medical aspects of albinism is widespread across the globe. Many people remain unaware of the genetic nature of the condition, its impact on hair, skin and eyes, and the biological variations of the condition that result in diverse levels of pigmentation and visual impairment. This is largely because there is a dearth of public awareness campaigns providing information about albinism in simple and accessible terms. While there is existing literature about the condition, this is mainly available in academic journals and books that are largely inaccessible to the general public. This lack of awareness allows myths and misconceptions that drive colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism to remain unchallenged and persist.56

  1. Ikponwosa Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide: A Human Rights Perspective (2021), p. 21. ↩

VI. Manifestations of colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism

¶35

Colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism manifests in diverse ways, many of which result in the violation of fundamental human rights and freedoms, including the rights to employment, education, health, public participation and life. 51 Ibid., para. 7. 52 Ibid. 53 Ibid., para. 8. 54 A/71/255, para. 76. 55 A/76/166, para. 9. 56 Ikponwosa Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide: A Human Rights Perspective (2021), p. 21. 10/22

A. Harmful practices, including ritual attacks and killings

¶36

Ritual attacks and killings are the most egregious manifestation of colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism. They are perpetrated under the mistaken and fatal belief that the body parts of persons with albinism can provide wealth or good fortune when used in witchcraft rituals.57 One research study indicated that, by the year 2021, about 700 persons with albinism across 30 African countries had been killed or mutilated in incidents related to witchcraft and ritual attacks over a period of 10 years.58

  1. A/HRC/24/57, para. 19. ↩
  2. Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide, p. 34. ↩
¶37

Infanticide involving the killing of children with albinism at birth or soon thereafter is another manifestation of colour-based discrimination.59 In some cases, children with albinism are simply abandoned to die.60 Research indicates that children with albinism face a heightened risk of infanticide due to the myth that the birth of a child with albinism brings a curse on the family and the community.61 Consequently, parents of children with albinism, community members or midwives may elect to kill the child in order to evade the “curse”. In Cameroon, for example, children with albinism have been reportedly killed immediately after birth in some cases and the birth falsely recorded as a stillbirth.62

  1. Aloy Ojilere and Muhammad Musa Saleh, “Violation of dignity and life: challenges and prospects for women and girls with albinism in sub-Saharan Africa”, Journal of Human Rights and Social Work, vol. 4, No. 3 (2019), p. 147. ↩
  2. Ibid. ↩
  3. Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide, p. 36. ↩
  4. Ibid. ↩
¶38

Cumulatively, these practices are known as harmful practices. The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in Africa, which incorporates special protection provisions for persons with disabilities, including persons with albinism, stipulates that “harmful practices” include “behaviour, attitudes, and practices based on tradition, culture, religion, superstition or other reasons, which negatively affect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of persons with disabilities or perpetuate discrimination”.63 The Protocol has a substantive provision addressing harmful practices and requiring States Parties to “take all appropriate measures and offer appropriate support and assistance to victims of harmful practices, including legal sanctions, educational and advocacy campaigns” as well as eliminate a range of practices, such as “witchcraft, abandonment, concealment, ritual killings or the association of disability with omens”.64

  1. Art. 1. ↩
  2. Art. 11 (1). ↩

B. Stigma and discrimination

¶39

One of the most common ways in which colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism manifests is through stigma and discrimination, which lead to persons with albinism being treated differently from others and being disadvantaged in various spheres of life, including in employment and education.

Employment

¶40

In the employment sphere, colour-based discrimination manifests in employers’ reluctance to employ persons with albinism based on the belief that they are not as competent as others and will be less productive;65 65 fear that their presence will 57 A/HRC/24/57, para. 19. 58 Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide, p. 34. 59 Aloy Ojilere and Muhammad Musa Saleh, “Violation of dignity and life: challenges and prospects for women and girls with albinism in sub-Saharan Africa”, Journal of Human Rights and Social Work, vol. 4, No. 3 (2019), p. 147. 60 Ibid. 61 Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide, p. 36. 62 Ibid. 63 Art. 1. 64 Art. 11 (1). 65 Maunganidze and others, “Employment barriers and opportunities”, p. 4. discourage customers from using their services;66 66 an unwillingness to provide reasonable accommodation67 and their own personal prejudices and biases against persons with albinism. This reluctance leaves many persons with albinism unemployed across the globe.

  1. Maunganidze and others, “Employment barriers and opportunities”, p. 4. ↩
  2. A/76/166, para. 34. ↩
  3. Ibid., para. 68. ↩
¶41

Those who do secure formal employment may be subjected to unjust and unfavourable working conditions, including lower wages than their counterparts for the same work.68 The lack of reasonable accommodation at work can also impair their ability to perform well on the job. Many persons with albinism do not have long-term employment and are employed as part-time workers, daily wage labourers or contractual or seasonal workers earning a minimum wage.69 Some are forced to work on farms as labourers, exposing them to the harmful effects of the sun and to the risk of skin cancer.70

  1. Ibid., para. 33. ↩
  2. Ibid., para. 55. ↩
  3. A/74/190, para. 25. ↩
¶42

Persons with albinism who start their own businesses are not exempted from stigma and discrimination. Fearing that albinism is contagious, many customers shun businesses owned by them.71 Stigma and discrimination, including based on colour, leave most persons with albinism on the lowest socioeconomic rung, which in turn reinforces assumptions that they are less productive compared to persons without albinism.72

  1. A/76/166, para. 36. ↩
  2. Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide, p. 65. ↩

Education

¶43

Data from the consultations conducted by the Independent Expert revealed that bullying, through name-calling, insults, harassment, mockery, intimidation and, in some cases, physical assault, is a common manifestation of stigma in schools.73 It has also been reported that teachers have made inappropriate comments about learners with albinism, particularly in relation to their low vision or their need for extra help, which constitutes bullying.74

  1. A/76/166, para. 79. ↩
  2. A/HRC/55/45, para. 16. ↩
¶44

A male respondent to the survey from the Syrian Arab Republic stated that he was subjected to mistreatment, ridicule and humiliation from students and teachers alike. He explained some of his experiences in the following terms: “Students avoided sitting next to me and mocked my appearance and hair colour with hurtful phrases, such as: ‘Look at his face’, ‘He looks scary’, ‘Look at his eyes, they are dancing’, ‘He looks disgusting’.”

¶45

A female respondent from the Kingdom of the Netherlands stated: “I hated going to school, because I was getting bullied and felt very isolated there.” There have also been reports of learners being denied admission due to objections from parents and teachers who believe that albinism is contagious.75 75 A study conducted in Uganda revealed that pregnant teachers were afraid to teach learners with albinism due to the myth that albinism is contagious.76 The misconception that albinism is contagious has also reportedly influenced classroom seating arrangements that isolate learners with albinism from other learners.77 66 A/76/166, para. 34. 67 Ibid., para. 68. 68 Ibid., para. 33. 69 Ibid., para. 55. 70 A/74/190, para. 25. 71 A/76/166, para. 36. 72 Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide, p. 65. 73 A/76/166, para. 79. 74 A/HRC/55/45, para. 16. 75 Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide, p. 55. 76 Ibid., p. 56. 77 A/76/166, para. 50. 12/22

  1. Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide, p. 55. ↩
  2. Ibid., p. 56. ↩
¶46

Low school attendance by learners with albinism is also attributed to parents attempting to keep their children safe from stigma and discrimination. In some cases, parents keep their children with albinism out of school for longer periods because of fear of attacks and concerns about the stigma and prejudice that they are likely to be subjected to in schools.78

  1. A/74/190, para. 21. ↩
¶47

Learners with albinism may also be excluded from sporting activities. A participant from the focus group discussion described his daughter who has albinism being consistently overlooked during sports and being selected last for teams, reflecting subtle forms of stigma and everyday microaggressions.

C. Discrimination by association

¶48

Family members of persons with albinism may also encounter stigma and discrimination by reason of their close association with persons with albinism. Participants from the focus group discussions stated that children without albinism may themselves become targets of bullying because of a parent with albinism’s appearance. Children can be questioned, mocked or socially burdened because of their parents’ skin colour. In extreme cases, mothers of children with albinism may also be killed because the birth of a child with albinism is regarded as proof of her involvement in witchcraft.79 In countries like Burundi and the United Republic of Tanzania, mothers of children with albinism have reportedly been killed for ritual purposes or murdered in order to guarantee that they do not give birth to any more children with albinism.80

  1. Ero and others, People with Albinism Worldwide, p. 36. ↩
  2. Ojilere and Saleh, “Violation of dignity and life”, p. 147. ↩

D. Unconscious bias

¶49

Colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism also operates through “unconscious bias”. Also known as “implicit bias”, unconscious bias refers to the unintentional stereotypes and biases held by people outside of their conscious awareness. It refers to the process of automatically associating certain people with negative or positive ideas based on prior conditioning and without being conscious of it.81 In the context of colour-based discrimination, unconscious bias can automatically influence peoples’ attitudes and feelings towards others based on their colour.82 In the albinism context specifically, people are conditioned, through unconscious bias, to automatically associate persons with albinism’s physical appearance with negative ideas such as curses, incompetence and inability. These unconscious biases in turn influence how people react to and treat them.

  1. See https://colorismhealing.com/colorism-as-implicit-bias/. ↩
  2. Ibid. ↩
¶50

The discrimination to which persons with albinism are subjected, including exclusionary practices and lowering of expectations, is the result of underlying and unspoken biases and assumptions about their attractiveness, competence, normality, capability and social desirability.

E. Verbal attacks and derogatory language

¶51

Colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism also manifests through verbal attacks. Various derogatory terms are used globally to describe persons with albinism, often to their faces. These include those that equate them to animals, particularly white coloured animals, such as white bunny (United Kingdom), white gorilla (Pakistan), white goat (mbilimelo in the United Republic of Tanzania), or jambiri, meaning “white monkey” (Nigeria). In Africa, Asia and Latin America, persons with albinism are referred to as “Caucasian” or “foreigner”, but in a derogatory way, such as gora in Pakistan, gringo in Brazil, muzungu in the United Republic of Tanzania and, in Côte d’Ivoire, gombêlê, which means “fake white man”.83 Other terms refer to persons with albinism as ghosts, such as zeruzeru in Kenya and “Casper” in Puerto Rico in reference to the comic, Casper the Friendly Ghost.84 Other examples of referring to persons with albinism as supernatural beings include terms such as gesoshi, which means “strange being”, in Ghana, and “genie” in Pakistan. Terms that refer to persons with albinism as something undesirable or as a curse are also used, such as isishawa, which means “curse” in South Africa and napwere, meaning “yellow tomatoes” in Malawi.85 Among the most worrying terms are those that commodify persons with albinism or their body parts, such as the term ndalama, meaning money in Zambia.86 Other terms used are not translatable and do not necessarily have another meaning, but because they have been used negatively for a prolonged period in a way that “others” persons with albinism, or are used instead of a person’s name, they are now considered derogatory, such as varira in Madagascar and mwabi in Zambia. The English term “albino” is also derogatory, as it focuses on the condition rather than the person. “Person with albinism” is the accepted term in English.

  1. Ibid. ↩
  2. A/76/166, para. 26. ↩
  3. Ibid. ↩
  4. Ibid. ↩
¶52

Name-calling of persons with albinism has been normalized to such an extent that it is a daily occurrence in the lives of persons with albinism. For example, a study conducted in Sierra Leone revealed that 80% of persons with albinism had been called by a derogatory name.87 This pejorative terminology exemplifies the negative perception of albinism by communities globally and serves to reinforce their social exclusion and attacks against them. The myths and misconceptions about albinism depicted in these derogatory names are integral to the process of “othering” persons with albinism, which occurs when some individuals or groups are perceived and labelled as misfits in society and are therefore identified as “others”.88

  1. Ibid., para. 27. ↩
  2. Ibid., para. 28. ↩

F. Microaggressions

¶53

Colour-based discrimination can also manifest in subtle ways through covert indirect statements and actions that are more difficult to identify as colour-based discrimination.89 These subtle, repetitive and socially normalized forms of discrimination are referred to in racial discrimination discourse as “microaggressions”, which are defined as “covert racial slights, generally thought to be unintended”.90 They are indirect, seemingly minor actions or remarks that nonetheless communicate prejudice, discomfort, stereotyping or exclusion.

  1. Monnica T. Williams and others, “Understanding aggression and microaggressions by and against people of colour”, The Cognitive Behaviour Therapist, vol. 14 (2021), p. 3. ↩
  2. Ibid., p. 2. ↩
¶54

Examples of microaggressions include persistent comments about appearance, inappropriate curiosity, assumptions about ability, unnecessary attention to visual difference and “compliments” carrying hidden assumptions. One of the survey respondents from the United States stated that “even well-intentioned comments such as ‘you’re all so beautiful,’ can be uncomfortable because they draw attention to albinism as something visibly different”. She further explained that, although the “comments may be positive, they can reinforce the feeling of being seen primarily through difference rather than simply as people”. Participants from the focus group discussion highlighted that statements that seem like compliments carry an underlying message: surprise that a person with albinism can be attractive, competent or socially desirable. Thus, praise itself may be rooted in low expectations or preconceived ideas about what people with albinism are presumed to be. The participants stated that even seemingly positive attention can reinforce otherness by continually marking a person with albinism as visibly exceptional rather than ordinary.

¶55

Microaggressions can also occur in a variety of settings including educational, employment or social settings. A participant from the focus group discussion described years of school-based microaggressions directed towards a child with albinism whose visible difference and visual impairment made her vulnerable to subtle forms of social targeting. Rather than overt bullying that schools could easily identify and sanction, participants described more refined, persistent behaviours, such as social picking (not selecting learners with albinism to participate in social activities), coded exclusion (using seemingly objective criteria to exclude and marginalize people), and low-grade humiliation, which are difficult for institutions to formally recognize but are deeply harmful to those experiencing them.

¶56

Research indicates that using microaggressions reveals underlying negative attitudes and is a form of colour-based discrimination.91 Despite being subtle, microaggressions contribute significantly to the creation of oppressive environments that have an adverse impact on the mental well-being of persons with albinism.92 Participants from the focus group discussion highlighted that what makes microaggressions particularly harmful is the fact that they are difficult to challenge because they seem harmless and socially acceptable on the surface while covertly perpetuating exclusion against persons with albinism. The Independent Expert has further had many conversations with officials from different countries who deny the existence of stigma in their societies and dismiss microaggressions as harmless statements, sometimes invalidating the feelings and experiences of those with albinism in those countries. However, microaggressions, racist hate crimes and hate speech, and the resulting stress, have been linked to a range of negative health outcomes, including depression, anxiety and physical health problems such as hypertension and cardiovascular disease.93

  1. Ibid., p. 3. ↩
  2. Ibid., p. 2. ↩
  3. See A/77/197; and Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, general recommendation No. 37, para. 36. ↩

G. Social exclusion

¶57

Colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism manifests through multiple forms and layers of social exclusion at the personal, family and community levels. In many countries, persons with albinism are considered undesirable marriage and life partners.94 Respondents from a study conducted in the United Republic of Tanzania stated that they would prefer not to marry a person with albinism for fear of being stigmatized, segregated and mocked.95 The same respondents also stated that they would not want to have children with albinism, as this was perceived in a negative light.96 Other respondents stated that they would only marry a person with albinism as a last resort.97

  1. A/76/166, para. 30. ↩
  2. Ibid., para. 31. ↩
  3. Ibid. ↩
  4. Ibid. ↩
¶58

The stigma and discrimination are so deeply entrenched that persons with albinism have internalized it. In Brazil, for example, it has been reported that women with albinism endure abusive relationships because they fear that they will not be able to find a new spouse if they leave that relationship.98 In Pakistan, where arranged marriages between cousins are common in some places, persons with albinism mentioned being rejected by their prospective partner’s family, who are also their own extended family. Moreover, in patriarchal societies, persons with albinism are also denied the social standing and privileges that are accorded to people, particularly women, by virtue of being married.99

  1. Ibid., para. 64. ↩
  2. Ibid., para. 30. ↩
¶59

Social exclusion against persons with albinism can also occur within the family unit. Because albinism is viewed as a curse, families generally perceive it as bad luck to have a person with albinism in their family.100 In China, some children with albinism have reportedly been abandoned by their families and given up for adoption.101 Moreover, fathers of children with albinism tend to abandon both the mother and child because of the stigma around giving birth to a child with albinism, forcing the child to grow up in a single-parent household.102 A focus group participant described paternal abandonment rooted in disbelief that two dark-skinned parents could have a visibly white child, leading to accusations of infidelity and denial of biological parenthood.

  1. Ibid., para. 45. ↩
  2. Ibid. ↩
  3. A/71/255, para. 23. ↩
¶60

Social exclusion against persons with albinism can also play out at the community level through teasing, avoidance, exclusion and other forms of mistreatment. In Fiji, for example, the former Independent Expert found that it was common for persons with albinism to be taunted and teased to such an extent that it was difficult for them to walk around in the open and to participate in social activities.103 A 2019 situational analysis conducted in India revealed that when persons with albinism were out in public, they were ignored, mistreated and/or avoided.104 It was also reported that people would be emotionally abusive and did not want to touch or be touched by persons with albinism.105 In Türkiye, albinism is apparently perceived as contagious and, consequently, some parents do not permit their children to play with children with albinism.106 In the Kingdom of the Netherlands, myths of the “evil albino” with red eyes and white hair have reportedly perpetuated the social exclusion of persons with albinism.107 In Spain, albinism is said to draw a significant amount of attention, accompanied by taunting, leading to social exclusion.108 In Pakistan, many of the persons with albinism whom the Independent Expert spoke to mentioned being excluded from family gatherings, such as weddings. These negative experiences create shame, fear and anxiety among persons with albinism about going out in public.109

  1. A/76/166, para 46. ↩
  2. Ibid., para. 47. ↩
  3. Ibid. ↩
  4. Ibid., para. 75. ↩
  5. Ibid., para. 74. ↩
  6. Ibid., para. 76. ↩
  7. Ibid., para. 47. ↩
¶61

Participants from the focus group discussions stated that they experienced community exclusion in everyday life, including by being avoided on public transport, being rejected from shared seating arrangements, stared at in restaurants or treated as socially disruptive simply because of their appearance. The participants also shared that, in some communities, people sang songs to mock and ridicule them. 98 Ibid., para. 64. 99 Ibid., para. 30. 100 Ibid., para. 45. 101 Ibid. 102 A/71/255, para. 23. 103 A/76/166, para 46. 104 Ibid., para. 47. 105 Ibid. 106 Ibid., para. 75. 107 Ibid., para. 74. 108 Ibid., para. 76. 109 Ibid., para. 47. 16/22

¶62

A male respondent from the Syrian Arab Republic stated in his survey response that he experienced social exclusion in his community. He explained his experience as follows: “While in the street, I was subjected to repeated physical assaults, ridicule, insults, and laughter from groups, and these incidents occurred many times while I was returning home from school. I even sometimes had to change my route to long, remote, and empty roads on the outskirts of the town to avoid harm, even though they were longer.”

¶63

A male respondent from the Congo mentioned being asked to disembark from local public transport (taxi) because the driver did not like persons with albinism.

¶64

The alienation and exclusion of persons with albinism transcend the social realm and lead to the exclusion of persons with albinism from public participation. The opinions, views and needs of persons with albinism are often overlooked during decision-making processes at the community level.110 Considered as inferior second class citizens, persons with albinism are generally excluded from participating in the civil and political life of their countries, including in key government positions,111 although there are some countries with noticeable exceptions.112 Limited participation in political and public life results in the relegation of matters concerning persons with albinism and in the formulation of laws, policies and programmes that are not responsive to their situation.

  1. Ibid., para. 29. ↩
  2. Ibid. ↩
  3. Ibid. ↩

VII. Psychosocial impact of colour-based discrimination

A. Chronic fear and anxiety, depression and suicidal ideation

¶65

There is a nexus between racial discrimination and psychological distress.113 The constant stigma, social exclusion, mockery, name-calling and prejudices experienced by persons with albinism cumulatively lead to psychosocial harm, which presents in multiple ways, including through chronic fear, anxiety, depression and, in extreme cases, suicidal ideation.114 A Dutch respondent from the survey conducted by the Independent Expert explained how he was afraid and anxious about going outside because of the constant stigma and bullying that he encountered. Another respondent, from Uganda, described his depression in the following terms: “I felt like I was of no value due to the attitude of the surrounding.” A survey participant from the Syrian Arab Republic stated that he experiences “ongoing despair” and a “lack of hope for the future”, indicating the presence of depression. The same respondent described a time when he experienced suicidal ideation, as follows: “I remember a group of young men chasing me in the street, clapping their hands and laughing, and shouting ‘sarı sarı’ (yellow! yellow!). I remember crying intensely while returning home, and the idea that death is better for someone like me took hold of my soul.”

  1. Anthony D. Ong and others, “Racial discrimination and the stress process”, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 96, No. 6 (2009), p. 1260. ↩
  2. A/76/166, para. 13. ↩
¶66

Many persons with albinism have recounted stories to the Independent Expert of feeling depressed, unworthy and considering ending their lives due to stigma and mistreatment. Parents of children with albinism have also expressed concern about increased aggression or withdrawal of their children once they started attending schools and experienced bullying. 110 Ibid., para. 29. 111 Ibid. 112 Ibid. 113 Anthony D. Ong and others, “Racial discrimination and the stress process”, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, vol. 96, No. 6 (2009), p. 1260. 114 A/76/166, para. 13.

B. Low self-esteem/inferiority complex

¶67

Research shows that persons with albinism sometimes internalize the negative stereotypes about albinism, leading to low self-esteem.115 Perceiving themselves in a negative light consequently erodes their sense of self-worth and confidence, leading to feelings of worthlessness, shame and self-blame. Some of the survey respondents spoke about their struggle with self-esteem. A mother of a 5-year-old child with albinism stated that her child had developed low self-esteem due to discriminatory comments made by educators at her school, including comments such as “Does your mom wash you in bleach?” and “You look like a bully with those sunglasses.” A female respondent from Africa mentioned that she also lost her self-esteem as a result of the discriminatory practices she had encountered.

  1. Noel Estrada Hernandez and Dennis C. Harper, “Research on psychological and personal aspects of albinism”, Rehabilitation Psychology, vol. 52, No. 3 (2007), p. 270. ↩
¶68

In some cases, the learned inferiority complex and low self-esteem led some persons with albinism to take measures to fit in as opposed to accepting their identity. Dyeing hair and the use of tinted sunscreen, bronzers and other cosmetics, as well as coloured contact lenses to disguise eye colour are examples of the measures some persons with albinism adopt to “fit in” and avoid unwanted attention.

¶69

In some cases, persons with albinism, particularly young adolescents and adults who are very conscious about their appearance, have been reported to avoid taking sun-protection measures that stand out, such as sun-protective clothing, to avoid stigma and to fit in with their communities. This leaves them dangerously exposed to ultraviolet rays, making them even more susceptible to skin cancer.

¶70

Internalization of discrimination appears to have also resulted in the rise of self-deprecating social media content by persons with albinism. Many persons with albinism have also described using self-deprecation as a coping mechanism to deflect the attempts of others to humiliate them and defuse the stress resulting from negative comments.

C. Self-isolation

¶71

Respondents from the survey conducted by the Independent Expert stated that they have at times resorted to isolating themselves to avoid the constant name-calling, ridicule, rejection and stigma. One of the respondents from the Syrian Arab Republic described his decision in the following terms: “suffocating isolation was the only means I resorted to in order to protect myself from further harm and collapse”.

¶72

The Independent Expert also met with persons with albinism in Portugal and Pakistan who mentioned self-isolation as a coping mechanism. Almost all of them mentioned pursuing individual, indoor hobbies. A few in both countries stated that they did not feel welcomed in society and avoided others so as not to experience rejection.

D. Racial trauma

¶73

Racial trauma refers to emotional and psychological harm caused by direct, systemic or historical experiences of racism, discrimination or race-based violence.116 In the albinism context, racial trauma experiences include name-calling, ritual attacks and killings, stigma and discrimination, bullying, social exclusion and microaggressions.

  1. See https://mhanational.org/resources/racial-trauma/. ↩
¶74

Racial trauma is “ubiquitous and omnipresent”, meaning that it is a pervasive and consistent occurrence in peoples’ lives and at various levels, including in their schools, workplaces, neighbourhoods and health institutions.117 People do not experience an isolated incident of racial trauma, but rather “repeated incidence of both the same and new forms of racial trauma”.118

  1. Jude Mary Cénat, “Complex racial trauma: evidence, theory, assessment and treatment”, Perspectives on Psychological Science, vol. 18, No. 3 (2023), p. 676. ↩
  2. Ibid., p. 677. ↩
¶75

Participants from the focus group discussion described the burden of constant visibility associated with having albinism. They narrated how their physical appearance is usually the first and often the only thing that others notice, creating a sense of living under continuous social scrutiny. For the participants, the hypervisibility associated with albinism makes them the target of repeated racial trauma experiences, which leave them emotionally fatigued.

¶76

The occurrence of racial trauma on a repetitive, multiple and cumulative basis makes it particularly harmful. Trauma research reveals that racial discrimination, including colour-based discrimination, is more likely to result in trauma-related symptoms than the general stress of life.119 Persons who have been exposed to racial trauma experience a unique type of trauma known as “race-based traumatic stress”, which arises from emotional pain.120 Researchers indicate that race-based traumatic stress shares similar symptoms with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), including anxiety caused by constant stigma and discrimination; guilt and/or shame related to the internalization of negative perceptions, leading to the feeling of being responsible for the stigma and discrimination they are subjected to; and avoidance through self-isolation.121 For that reason, racial trauma is a major risk factor for mental health problems.

  1. Katherine Kirkinis and others, “Racism, racial discrimination and trauma: a systematic review of the social science literature”, Ethnicity and Health, vol. 26, No. 3 (2021), p. 3. ↩
  2. Ibid., p. 4. ↩
  3. Ibid. ↩

E. Impact on family members

¶77

Parents with albinism who have children without albinism described struggling to shield their children from stigma and discrimination while simultaneously helping them understand albinism and develop healthy perspectives towards difference. Some children reportedly internalized distress to the extent of expressing wishes to “fix” a parent’s appearance by becoming doctors and finding ways to restore pigmentation. Focus group participants described these moments as emotionally devastating because they reveal how deeply stigma penetrates family life.

¶78

Parents of children with albinism mentioned the emotional toll of constantly having to advocate for their child with albinism. The important role of parents in supporting the mental well-being of their children with albinism was emphasized by all participants.

VIII. Good practices

A. Countering the psychosocial impact of colour-based discrimination

¶79

Albinism support groups and gatherings, such as the National Organization for Albinism and Hypopigmentation conference, provide an important platform for persons with albinism to receive support in countering the psychosocial impact of colour-based discrimination.122 Such groups provide a space for discussing and validating shared experiences and feelings, mutual understanding and a social context of acceptance, and can help reduce the psychosocial impact of stigma and discrimination.

  1. See https://albinism.org/noahcon/. ↩
¶80

Participants mentioned the crucial role of parents in supporting or negatively impacting the mental well-being of their children with albinism. Projects aimed at parents of children with albinism, therefore, have a role in countering the negative psychosocial impact of colourism on the children. A good example of this is the Mothering and Albinism project at Trinity Western University in Canada.123

  1. See https://motheringandalbinism.com/. ↩
¶81

Manuals have been developed to support the well-being of activists. For example, Amnesty International published the second volume in its Staying Resilient While Trying to Save the World124 series as a well-being workbook designed for youth activists. It provides resources for, among other things, recognizing when to seek professional support, responding to microaggressions, identifying signs of stress, anxiety and burnout, and learning strategies to manage these challenges effectively.

  1. See www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2021/01/well-being-workbook-shows-how-happiness-and-activism-can-co-exist/. ↩

B. Research and knowledge production

¶82

Some organizations have conducted research specifically on discrimination against persons with albinism, including on the basis of colour, and its impact, and provide recommendations, ensuring that interventions through law and policy are evidence-based. For example, in 2023, the Centre for Human Rights in the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria, South Africa, published a report entitled The Impact of Race and Colour on the Enjoyment of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms by Persons with Albinism in South Africa. In 2022, the Office of the Ombudsman in Namibia produced a report entitled Report on the Public Hearings on Discrimination and Other Challenges Faced by Persons with Albinism in Namibia. In 2021, Amnesty International published a manual for national human rights institutions entitled Promoting and Protecting the Rights of Persons with Albinism: A Manual for National Human Rights Institutions.125 The Manual provides valuable insights for national human rights institutions on the prevention of and response to violations against persons with albinism. In 2025, Amnesty International also launched the Southern Africa Journal on Albinism and Socio-economic Rights, which publishes scholarship on issues affecting persons with albinism in Southern Africa, including colour-based discrimination.126 Such knowledge products are important in providing an evidence base that lawmakers and policymakers can rely on to formulate laws, policies and programmes that respond adequately to colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism.

  1. See www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr03/3879/2021/en/. ↩
  2. Ibid. ↩
¶83

Eliminating colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism requires the creation and implementation of an adequate legal framework that responds to the unique context within which this type of discrimination occurs. Guinea, 127 Panama,128 122 See https://albinism.org/noahcon/. 123 See https://motheringandalbinism.com/. 124 See www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2021/01/well-being-workbook-shows-howhappiness-and-activism-can-co-exist/. 125 See www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr03/3879/2021/en/. 126 Ibid. 127 Law No. 0016/AN of 2021. 128 Law No. 210 of 2021. 20/22 Puerto Rico, 129 and the Province of San Juan in Argentina130 130 have all enacted legislation specifically for persons with albinism.131 131 South Africa passed the Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Act.132 132

  1. Law No. 2635-Q. ↩
  2. A/HRC/58/57, para. 46. ↩
  3. Act No.16 of 2023. ↩
¶84

In addition, the Southern African Development Community has issued the Declaration on the Protection of Persons with Albinism, which mentions the psychosocial impact of colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism.133 Several African countries, namely, Angola, Kenya, Malawi, Uganda, the United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia, have adopted national action plans on albinism that also address colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism. The implementation of these laws and policies is essential to ensuring greater awareness of the impact of discrimination and sending a clear message that colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism is not acceptable.

  1. See www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/issues/albinism/sadc-declaration-protection-persons-with-albinism-en.pdf. ↩

D. Depicting persons with albinism in a positive light

¶85

To counter the prevailing negative perceptions of albinism, depicting persons with albinism in a positive light, especially in the media, is necessary. In recent years, there have been movies and television shows that have represented persons with albinism in a positive light. For example, the movie Can You See Us highlights the impact of myths about albinism while delivering a message that persons with albinism belong in society. The South Africa soap opera Muvhango depicts persons with albinism in a positive light by casting actors with albinism to play roles in which they are relatable and live ordinary daily lives. There are also social media campaigns and podcasts that raise awareness on albinism such as the “Albinism mythbusters” series on Instagram and Facebook.

E. Representation of persons with albinism in decision-making positions

¶86

Some countries, including Malawi, the United Republic of Tanzania and Kenya, have persons with albinism in high-profile decision-making positions, particularly in government, which helps to counter some of the myths that fuel colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism, including the myth that they are less productive than others because they have lower intellectual and physical capabilities. Having persons with albinism in such positions can also be beneficial as they tend to be role models, and their visibility could help in ensuring that laws, policies and programmes take into account and address the situation and concerns of the albinism community.

F. Addressing ritual attacks and killings

¶87

Some countries have taken steps to address ritual attacks against and killings of persons with albinism. For example, the United Republic of Tanzania amended its Penal Code to criminalize attacks and killings of persons with albinism and classify them as hate crimes.134 134 Burundi, Madagascar, Malawi, South Africa and Zambia have all initiated community policing programmes to increase vigilance at the community 129 Law No. 109 of 2022. 130 Law No. 2635-Q. 131 A/HRC/58/57, para. 46. 132 Act No.16 of 2023. 133 See www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/issues/albinism/sadc-declaration-protectionpersons-with-albinism-en.pdf. 134 A/HRC/58/57, para. 19. level.135 The South African Police Service has conducted awareness-raising campaigns in the border towns of provinces considered as hotspots for trafficking in the body parts of persons with albinism.136 They have also established a specialized unit focusing on providing services to vulnerable groups, including persons with albinism.137 137

  1. A/HRC/58/57, para. 19. ↩
  2. A/HRC/58/57, para. 52. ↩
  3. Ibid. ↩
¶88

Other countries, including Madagascar, Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa and the United Republic of Tanzania have prosecuted perpetrators of attacks against persons with albinism.138 Malawi has produced a handbook providing vital information in the investigation and prosecution of crimes against persons with albinism, particularly ritual killings and attacks.139 It further revised its Anatomy Act to impose stiffer sentences for the abduction, murder or trafficking of persons with albinism and criminalizing the unauthorized possession of human tissue.140 Mozambique established a traditional medicine department as part of the Ministry of Health, which works with traditional healers to educate them about albinism and demystify the condition.141

  1. Ibid., para. 53. ↩
  2. Malawi, Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Handbook for Investigators, Prosecutors and Magistrates on Offences Concerning Persons with Albinism (2016). ↩
  3. A/HRC/58/57, para. 54. ↩
  4. United Nations human rights special procedures, Best Practices in the Protection of Human Rights of Persons with Albinism, addendum to the report of the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism. ↩

G. Public education and awareness campaigns

¶89

Public education and awareness campaigns are an effective way of challenging the myths and misconceptions around albinism. The United Republic of Tanzania, for example, has conducted widespread public education campaigns to eliminate discrimination and violence against persons with albinism.142 Many countries have commemorated International Albinism Awareness Day (13 June) by conducting public awareness campaigns. In September, South Africa commemorates Albinism Awareness Month by conducting public education and awareness campaigns and programmes.143 Beauty pageants, particularly Mr. and Miss Albinism pageants, have also been utilized as an awareness-raising tool in many countries.144

  1. A/HRC/58/57, para. 19. ↩
  2. Ibid., para. 59. ↩
  3. Ibid. ↩

H. Capacity-building programmes for persons with albinism

¶90

Several organizations and entities carry out capacity-building sessions for persons with albinism that bring together regional and global leaders of the movement. Some of these sessions, such as the Africa Albinism Network’s Women’s Learning Forum in 2024, also included wellness sessions on the agenda in which women leaders were given space to discuss issues of concern and provided with wellness tools. Even when not specifically targeted at mental health, regional and global capacity-building sessions for persons with albinism provide opportunities for mutual learning, support and validation. 135 A/HRC/52/36/Add.1, para. 74. 136 A/HRC/58/57, para. 52. 137 Ibid. 138 Ibid., para. 53. 139 Malawi, Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Handbook for Investigators, Prosecutors and Magistrates on Offences Concerning Persons with Albinism (2016). 140 A/HRC/58/57, para. 54. 141 United Nations human rights special procedures, Best Practices in the Protection of Human Rights of Persons with Albinism, addendum to the report of the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of human rights by persons with albinism. 142 A/HRC/58/57, para. 19. 143 Ibid., para. 59. 144 Ibid. 22/22 IX. Conclusion and recommendations

IX. Conclusion and recommendations

A. Conclusion

¶91

Persons with albinism globally face significant instances of colour-based discrimination in their daily lives. While the experiences may vary in nature and scale, depending on cultural and economic settings, the impact undoubtedly impinges on their full enjoyment of rights, particularly the rights to life, work, education, public participation and health. As this report has shown, the multiple and intersecting drivers that tend to reinforce colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism are rooted in several factors, including deeply rooted myths and prejudices, poor knowledge on albinism, and weak enforcement mechanisms despite existing legal and policy instruments.

B. Recommendations

¶92

The Independent Expert urges Member States to:
(a) Provide psychosocial support, including culturally sensitive counselling and community-based support programmes, to persons with albinism to counter the psychosocial impact of colour-based discrimination against them;
(b) Conduct research that identifies root causes and manifestations of colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism, as well as practical ways of eliminating it;
(c) Adopt an enabling legal and policy framework specifically addressing colour-based discrimination against persons with albinism. This includes criminalizing the manifestations of colour-based discrimination, including ritual killings and physical and verbal attacks;
(d) Support the establishment of albinism groups where they do not exist, including through facilitating registration, to provide a platform for persons with albinism to interact and support one another;
(e) Ensure appropriate knowledge and financial and mental health support to parents and caregivers of children with albinism to ensure that they are better equipped to support their children;
(f) Collaborate with organizations representing persons with albinism to conduct public awareness campaigns to educate the public about albinism and challenge myths and misconceptions about the condition.

¶93

The Independent Expert urges the international community to provide technical and financial support for albinism groups and to support continued capacity-building for albinism leaders, particularly in the area of human rights and mental wellbeing.

¶94

The Independent Expert urges media and civil society organizations to ensure that persons with albinism are portrayed in a positive light in the media to demystify albinism and challenge associations of the condition with negative ideas, such as curses.