Women and international solidarity

Women are often at the forefront of international solidarity actions. They engage to call for the inclusion of all persons in the enjoyment of their rights in the areas of peace, protection of the environment, human rights, reproductive rights, labour rights, minority rights, the right to participation in political life, refugee and migrant assistance, access to healthcare, response to health emergencies, the right to education, and housing/property guarantees, as well as many other issues.¹ At present, there is a backlash against women’s rights.² Women are experiencing political, legal and economic disempowerment at a level that may be considered a threat to peace. The Independent Expert seeks to understand State and societal commitment to recognizing the contribution of women as solidarity actors as well as intersectional and intergenerational solidarity with women by guaranteeing their equality, non-discrimination and inclusion, in accordance with Sustainable Development Goal 5.³

1. See https://www.un.org/en/coronavirus/women-rise-for-all. ↩
2. Constanza Tabbush, “Understanding backlash against gender equality: evidence, trends and policy responses”, United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women) and United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (Geneva, 2025). ↩
3. UN-Women, “Pushing forward for rights, equality and justice in a shifting global context”, August 2025. ↩

Constitutional protection of women’s equality depends on normative articulation within national law, as well as ratification of international instruments on gender equality.⁴ It is also contingent on implementation and interpretation by courts and administrative agencies, as well as sociolegal advocacy through social movements and advocacy.⁵ Many constitutions include neutral equality standards that may be complemented by explicit norms in specific fields (such as labour law), but the government and/or society may not guarantee implementation in practice, and women may be stymied when it comes to attaining access to justice due to a lack of legal aid, the failure of the State to reverse the burden of proof in discrimination cases, or a lack of will on the part of national discrimination-related boards to engage in effective monitoring and bring cases.⁶ Because of a growing trend towards the reversal of political will to promote gender equality, there is concern that the maintenance of gender-neutral equality and non-discrimination standards (including through an actual proposal to remove the word “woman” from such legislation) actually raises the risk of weakening women’s enjoyment of human rights.⁷ As noted in one input received by the Independent Expert: “Without constitutional entrenchment, equality lacks permanence, and rights lack stability. Equality should not depend on political convenience; it should be guaranteed as a matter of principle.”⁸

4. See the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention), the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women, the Equal Remuneration Convention, 1951 (No. 100), the Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention, 1958 (No. 111), the Workers with Family Responsibilities Convention, 1981 (No. 156) and the Maternity Protection Convention, 2000 (No. 183). ↩
5. Irene Spigno, Valentina Rita Scotti and Janaína Lima Penalva da Silva, eds, The Rights of Women in Comparative Constitutional Law (London, Routledge, 2023). ↩
6. Anne Hellumand others, eds., Nordic Equality and Anti-Discrimination Laws in the Throes of Change: Legal Developments in Sweden, Finland, Norway, and Iceland (London, Routledge, 2024). ↩
7. Input from the Norwegian Women’s Lobby. ↩
8. Input from Michelle Orya, Rayanne Sabra and Zara Bending, Macquarie University Law Society. ↩

In some jurisdictions, equality and non-discrimination standards may be limited by interpretations of religious law that may be deemed overriding, thereby affecting family law, marriage, divorce, child custody, inheritance, property, nationality, criminal law, civic participation and political representation.⁹

9. Input from 23 Iranian women’s organizations in the diaspora and the University of California (Irvine) School of Law International Justice Clinic. See Marijke De Pauw, “Women’s rights: from bad to worse? Assessing the evolution of incompatible reservations to the CEDAW Convention” Merkourios, vol. 29, No. 77 (2013). ↩

There can be a disconnect between the adoption of equality law and the maintenance of violence and discrimination in practice. For example, in Colombia, the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN-Women) commends the advancement of legal frameworks that promote, enforce and monitor gender equality.¹⁰ Article 13 of the Constitution Colombia sets forth that all individuals are born free and equal before the law, shall receive equal protection and treatment from the authorities, and shall enjoy the same rights, freedoms and opportunities without any discrimination on account of gender.

10. See https://data.unwomen.org/country/colombia. ↩

Moreover, article 43 of the Constitution of Colombia prohibits discrimination against women and calls for support for mothers:
Women and men have equal rights and opportunities. Women cannot be subjected to any type of discrimination. During their periods of pregnancy and following delivery, women shall benefit from the special assistance and protection of the State and shall receive from the latter food subsidies if they should thereafter find themselves unemployed or abandoned.
The State shall support the female head of household in a special way.

The Colombian Constitutional Court has delivered emancipatory jurisprudence upholding non-discrimination and protection of women’s equality.¹¹ Furthermore, Law 1257 of 2008 strengthens measures for the prevention of, protection against and punishment of violence and discrimination against women. Nevertheless, there is concern that violence against women, including against Indigenous women and women of African descent, is significant.¹² UN-Women has called for the creation of methodologies to monitor the gender pay gap, gender and poverty, physical and sexual harassment, women’s access to assets (including land) and gender and the environment.¹³ Presidential Directive No. 01 (2023) is aimed at the prevention of hate speech and discriminatory gender and race stereotypes that incite violence; however, there may be uneven support for the Ministry of Equality and Equity’s mandate to counter stereotypes and discrimination in future election periods.

11. Input from Centro de Litigio Estratégico Nacional e Internacional in Bogota, Colombia. See also cases C-410-1994, Case 197-2023, C-667-2006; SU 075-18, C-410-1994 and SU-167-2024 of the Constitutional Court of Colombia. ↩
12. See https://lac.unwomen.org/en/donde-estamos/colombia. ↩
13. UN-Women, “From law to equality: the progress that today supports women’s rights in Colombia”, 25 February 2026. ↩

Latvia provided an example of a holistic approach to gender equality. Article 91 of its Constitution guarantees equality before the law and prohibits discrimination. Gender equality is further embedded in labour legislation that covers equal pay, equal access to employment, protection of pregnant workers, safeguards against harassment and parental leave rights. A national action plan for equal rights and opportunities for women and men promotes gender mainstreaming across key sectors and requires gender impact assessments in policymaking. Enforcement mechanisms include the State Labour Inspectorate and the Ombudsman’s Office, which handle discrimination complaints.

According to UN-Women, there are also countries in which the State and civil society may uphold discriminatory laws or patriarchal gender norms, support a culture of misogyny that undervalues women’s roles and pursue deliberate, organized attempts to roll back women’s rights.¹⁴ Solidarity with women depends on good faith compliance with the principles of equality and non-discrimination, in practice, every day throughout their lives. This requires committed international solidarity with women by States, civil society, international organizations, faith organizations and business enterprises in order to enable the full enjoyment of all human rights, without exception.

14. “Understanding backlash”, p. 5. ↩

International solidarity actions for women gained attention in conjunction with the Women, Life, Freedom movement in Iran and the resistance of women in Afghanistan to oppression by the Taliban. UN-Women explains the urgency of international solidarity actions for women: “This is not only about the rights – and futures – of Afghan women and girls. It’s about what we stand for as a global community. If we allow Afghan women and girls to be silenced, we send a message that the rights of women and girls everywhere are disposable. And that’s an immensely dangerous precedent.”¹⁵

15. UN-Women, “Afghanistan’s women are still fighting: inside the fight for rights under Taliban”, 27 June 2025. ↩

International solidarity with and by women is contingent on the enjoyment by civil society of the right to engage in freedom of expression and association, in person and online. The Independent Expert supports the range of women’s solidarity initiatives promoted around the world. There are several women’s solidarity consortiums, such as Women Engage for a Common Future, that promote feminist solidarity to address the structural roots of exploitation of women and the environment; similarly, the African Women’s Development and Communication Network helps to promote sustainable supply chains and train women in human rights and environmental law.¹⁶ ACT Alliance engages to counter the backlash against women’s rights, including their sexual and reproductive health and rights, and is led by faith-based actors and other stakeholders in a transformative process to pursue gender justice.¹⁷ Social movements addressing sexual and reproductive health and rights have promoted legislative and constitutional changes.¹⁸

16. See https://femalexperts.com/en/female-empowerment-organisations/; https://www.wecf.org/international-solidarity/; and https://femnet.de/en/. ↩
17. See https://actalliance.org/gender-justice/. ↩
18. Input from the Center for Reproductive Rights. ↩

Afghan women have shaped grassroots political and social movements against the Taliban, such as through the Spontaneous Movement of Afghan Women.¹⁹ The most prominent slogans used by women in their street, online and in-home protests and campaigns were “bread, work, freedom,” and “do not politicize education,” which reflected their demands and their abhorrence of the restrictions on women’s work, education and free movement.²⁰,²¹ An example of courageous international solidarity with women and by women occurred in September 2022, when women in Iran launched the Women, Life, Freedom movement. At the same time, Afghan women gathered outside the Iranian embassy in the capital, Kabul, chanting the same slogan in support of women in Iran.²² There was a nationwide campaign in 2024 called IQRA, meaning “read”, in response to the ban on girls’ education beyond sixth grade.²³ On International Women’s Day in 2025, there was a campaign to highlight powerful women.²⁴ Afghan female poets and social and education activists were profiled in this campaign alongside other women. In 2025, the Power2AfghanWomen campaign was launched in response to article 13 of the Taliban’s Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice Law, which bans women’s voices in public.²⁵ Women and men from Afghanistan and around the world sang songs or read statements to express their opposition to the Law that silences women outside their homes.²⁶ Another was the 16 Days of Activism against Gender-based Violence campaign in 2025, related to the potential case against Afghanistan before the International Court of Justice for violations of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. Women read statements in local languages and English in solidarity with Afghan women enduring a regime of gender persecution.²⁷

19. Freedom Socialist Party, “Spontaneous movement of Afghan women”, February 2023. ↩
20. Negar Mohtashami Khojasteh, “For ‘bread, work, freedom,’ Afghan women are still resisting”, Human Rights Watch, 30 April 2025. ↩
21. Wahida Amiri, “Women, protest and power: confronting the Taliban”, Amnesty International, 7 March 2023. ↩
22. Input from Rawadari. ↩
23. See https://rawadari.org. See also https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLiIR7IiX-nt-8HoAM7ra1V6JEJAzzKf1K. ↩
24. See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sdBqaq9HOr4. ↩
25. Femena, “Factsheet: the ‘prevention of vice and promotion of virtue’ law in Afghanistan and implications for women’s rights”, 5 September 2025. ↩
26. See https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLiIR7IiX-nt-VoeIUSRqznArVos0S14TY. ↩
27. See https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLiIR7IiX-nt_x-6kTGX2GcN9woUIx6GNz . ↩

In the Republic of the Congo, L’organisation de la journée international de la femme africaine promotes solidarity events for women on issues including leadership and addressing violence.²⁸ Its Ubuntu programme provides solidarity mentorship for women seeking financing.

28. Input from La ligue internationale de defense des droits de la femme congolaise. ↩

In Nicaragua, women’s solidarity networks include Indigenous and Afrodescendent women’s networks for protection against gender-based violence and defending territorial autonomy; monitoring and documenting attacks; providing psychosocial and legal support; providing humanitarian assistance for migrant and exiled people; and technical expertise.²⁹

29. Input from Right Livelihood. ↩

The Federation of Women Lawyers in Kenya educates women workers about their legal rights. Grassroots Organisations Operating Together in Sisterhood in Kenya pursues women’ s rights to access land, finance and technology. Oxfam Kenya’s Time to Care project promotes gender-responsive tax reform, gender-equitable procurement and inclusive loans.³⁰

30. Input from Global Human Rights Centre. ↩

In the Republic of Moldova,³¹ there are several solidarity movements, including MOTIVAȚIE Association, which has reached women and girls with disabilities, providing training on their rights and preventing gender-based violence; the National Platform for Women in Moldova, which coordinates a network of women ambassadors to promote women’s leadership and civic participation; and Gender-Centru, which specializes in gender equality research, training and advocacy and has contributed to key national laws such as the Gender Equality Law and the Domestic Violence Law. These groups belong to the Women’s Major Group and the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders.

31. Input from Valeria Butorina, trainee lawyer, Master of Laws student in International Law, Republic of Moldova. ↩

In Jammu and Kashmir, women-led groups provide education, healthcare, psychosocial support and assistance to displaced and conflict-affected communities. Women advocates, journalists and civil society actors also raise awareness of human rights concerns and support education, mental health and women’s empowerment initiatives.

In Uzbekistan, women are active in community groups (makhallas), members of advisory groups on family and women’s issues, participants of the movements Oqila Ayollar Harakati and Buvijonlar Maktabi, and representatives of non-governmental organizations. Their activities are aimed at strengthening family institutions, preventing violence, improving legal awareness, supporting women and youth, promoting mutual assistance and fostering social responsibility.

Women also actively participate in international and regional initiatives. In March 2026, in cooperation with the United Nations Population Fund, Al-Azhar University of the Arab Republic of Egypt and a number of national and international partners hosted an international seminar on the role of Islamic values in protecting women’s rights in Uzbekistan. This platform facilitated the exchange of experience among representatives of State bodies, religious institutions, expert communities and international organizations on issues of women’s rights, gender equality and social inclusion.

Solidarity leadership by women is found at the grass roots/community, national, regional and global levels.

In Brazil, women lead grassroots solidarity efforts that strengthen community resilience, including among women shellfish gatherers, Indigenous women and Black feminist leaders, and support food security, preserve traditional knowledge and provide education, psychosocial support and legal assistance.³² Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes, whose case initiated protection for women against domestic violence in Brazil and all of Latin America, has founded the Instituto Maria da Penha to combat domestic violence.³³

32. Input from Clinic on International Law, FAE Business School, Brazil. ↩
33. Input from Clinic on International Law, FAE Business School Brazil; Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, report No. 54/01, case 12.051, Maria da Penha Maia Fernandes, 16 April 2001; Maria da Penha Law, Brazil (Law No. 11.340/2006). ↩

The Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas actively promote rural worker feminism to protect themselves and their territory; the Patricia Galvao Institute monitors and analyses media coverage addressing gender discrimination and violence; and the National Articulation of Ancestral Warriors Women applies gendered intergenerational knowledge to protect Indigenous territory from exploitation.³⁴

34. Input from Clinic on International Law, FAE Business School, Brazil. ↩

In Mexico, feminist legal networks and women-led collectives provide support to survivors of femicide and sexual violence, promote legal empowerment and challenge institutional barriers. Student-led support networks, as well as groups such as Las Brujas del Mar and Las del Aquelarre Feminista, have mobilized solidarity and advocacy for women’s rights.

The women law students of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México describe their own solidarity orientation as follows:³⁵
Our solidarity not only translates into occupying decision-making spaces to ensure that justice in Mexico moves towards a model with a youthful face and a gender perspective, but we also seek to create safe spaces for the healthy development of girls and adolescents, strengthening their legal autonomy from an early age, guaranteeing that solidarity is the axis that breaks the cycles of structural violence in Mexico City.

35. Ibid. ↩

In the Sudan, women have played a key role in defending human rights, documenting violations, supporting victims and promoting peacebuilding. They have also led advocacy for women’s participation in leadership, contributed to accountability efforts and supported reconciliation and social cohesion in conflict-affected communities.

In Nepal, the Feminist Dalit Organisation is run by Dalit women who work towards the elimination of caste, ethnic, class, geographic and gender-based discrimination. It engages with the Asia Dalit Rights Forum, the International Dalit Solidarity Network and the Men Engage Alliance.

In Nicaragua, networking within transnational organizations, such as the 46/2 Collective, has been fundamental for documenting violations, international advocacy, preserving memory, implementing security protocols to protect territorial leaders subject to surveillance, and peacebuilding.³⁶

36. Input from Right Livelihood. ↩

In Kenya, the Centre for Rights Education and Awareness and the Federation of Women Lawyers Kenya (which offers free legal services to women) have led a campaign against gender violence, including femicide, economic disempowerment of women, impunity and impediments to the implementation of women’s rights.³⁷ They have used digital communication to promote political engagement through demonstrations on the streets. Similar approaches have been used in Uganda, Nigeria and Mozambique.

37. Input from Global Human Rights Centre. ↩

Women judges have contributed as international solidarity leaders to jurisprudence that is emancipatory and empowering. For example, Cecilia Medina Quiroga and Elizabeth Odio Benito (Inter-American Court of Human Rights), Navi Pillay (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda), Síofra O’Leary (European Court of Human Rights), Ineta Ziemele (European Court of Justice), judges Teresa Doherty and Julia Sebutinde (Special Court for Sierra Leone), judge Sonia Sotomayor (Supreme Court of the United States) and Silvana Sciarra (Constitutional Court of Italy) have all addressed equality, non-discrimination and inclusion of diverse communities by developing arguments, advancing the scope of protection and reshaping evidentiary and procedural standards. The representation of women in courts is essential for strengthening equality within societies; hence, effective implementation of article 8 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women should be prioritized.³⁸

38. GQUAL and UN-Women, Voices from the Bench: Women Shaping International Justice (New York, 2026). ↩

It has been noted that although there are “political benefits that incentivize women to act as a unified group, we are reminded that tensions based on differences of culture, class, religion, nationality etc. can only be ignored at the expense of the long-term objectives of movement solidarity”.³⁹ Intersectional solidarity actions can prove effective at tackling exclusionary structural violence. Women’s solidarity groups often engage in intersectional actions, including in the areas of social justice; anti-colonialism; civil rights; labour rights; discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity, religion, class, caste or migration status; culture and social mores; access to healthcare; food security; violence prevention; family law; and disability rights.⁴⁰ UN-Women describes how grass-roots, intersectional feminist movements are vital forces in resisting roll-backs.⁴¹ They engage in bottom-up advocacy and grass-roots care infrastructure that provides the essentials of daily life, from access to food and basic services to child and elder care, healthcare during pandemics and assistance to refugee and migrants.

39. Bryonn Bain, “Rad talk: the radical solidarity of Dolores Huerta and Harry Belafonte”, National Black Law Journal, vol. 26, No. 1 (2017). ↩
40. A/HRC/56/57, para. 2; Cecilia M. Bailliet, “Peace and solidarity: dilemmas in an age of polarization and decoupling”, in C. Bailliet, ed., International Solidarity and the Law (Cheltenham, United Kingdom and Northampton, Massachusetts, United States of America, Edward Elgar Publishing, 2024); input from Palestine. ↩
41. “Understanding backlash”, p. 20. ↩

For example, members of the Asian Immigrant Women’s Association have cooperated with Mujeres Unidas y Activas (“women united and active”), an organization of low-income, Latina immigrant women workers.⁴² These collaborations have fostered solidarity around shared goals while enabling women to see other immigrant women in leadership roles. This has helped build confidence, challenge stereotypes and strengthen trust based on common objectives and values rather than shared identities.

42. Hajer Al-Faham and others, “Intersectionality: from theory to practice”, Annual Review of Law and Social Science, vol. 15 (October 2019). ↩

In Indonesia, women’s organizations have formed broad coalitions addressing issues such as social justice, violence against women, environmental protection, Indigenous Peoples’ rights, and migrant and labour rights. Indigenous women and women environmental defenders have also played a leading role in resisting natural resource exploitation and advocating for community rights.⁴³ Indonesian women factory workers, domestic workers and migrant workers organize themselves in collective movements.

43. Input from Tony Michael. ↩

In rural Colombian communities, women have built forms of community leadership and collective solidarity, participating in peasant associations, support networks, agricultural projects, community spaces and social organizing processes.⁴⁴ They often face social, economic and cultural barriers that limit their access to decision-making and recognition. Despite this, rural women continue to play a fundamental role in family support, agricultural production, community care and the social transformation of their territories.

44. Input from Manuel Gerardo Ruiz Becerra and Camilo Andres Villamizar Conde. ↩

In the Independent Expert’s report on Indigenous Peoples and international solidarity (A/HRC/59/40, para. 54), she noted that:
The Paktuutit Inuit Women of Canada partner with Les Femmes Michifs Otipemisiwak, which represents Metis Indigenous women, and participated in the Feminist Forum with organizations representing black women, Muslim women and women with disabilities. Ofelia Schutte advocates uniting feminist, environmental and Indigenous concerns in a common solidarity exchange: “The support for Indigenous rights requires a transvaluation of colonial values and a restructuring of social and economic relations in Latin American societies, including a restructuring of the value given to ecological and gender issues. In return, we need to communicate to Indigenous Peoples why we in the West fight for various liberatory causes, such as feminism and women’s rights. The first step is to build trust so that there can be meaningful dialogue”.⁴⁵

45. A/HRC/59/40, para. 54. ↩

UN-Women underscores the transnational and intersectional solidarity within the International Women’s Strike that took place in over 54 countries on 8 March 2017.⁴⁶ Since then, several annual protests have been held in many countries The strike emphasizes transnational and intersectional solidarity, highlighting the interconnections among key feminist issues. These include gender-based violence, reproductive rights and the undervaluation of women’s work.

46. “Understanding backlash”, p. 21. ↩

Rollbacks of women’s rights and xenophobic political agendas require intersectoral solidarity. UN-Women explains: “For example, in Türkiye, at a time when anti-gender equality actors were gaining influence in the mainstream mass media, activists defending the Istanbul Convention managed to overcome longstanding secular-Islamic-ethnic divisions among women and LGBTIQ+ groups to create alternative spaces for debate that amplified non-hegemonic voices. Promoting diverse feminist networks that cut across identities based on class, race and gender and that are well connected with formal institutional spaces (judicial, legislative and executive) and/or levels of government (local and national) is crucial for resilience against backlash”.⁴⁷

47. Ibid., p. 22. ↩

The Working Group on discrimination against women and girls described the intersectional nature of activism by girl and young women activists as follows: “These [topics] encompass, among others, gender equality, gender-based violence, harmful practices, children’s rights, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex rights, sexual and reproductive health and rights, climate justice, social and economic inequalities, inclusive development, racial justice, good governance, defence of territories, land and resources, and peace-building and conflict resolution”.⁴⁸ Activists often mobilize on more than one topic, drawing attention to intersectional oppression and the complex dynamics at play in their activism. They organize across movements because, as the Working Group heard during the consultations it held, there is no justice for one issue without justice for all. The Working Group highlighted how young women activists have helped women refugees and victims of trafficking, rescued women from female genital mutilation, educated peers on sexual harassment and sexual health, and protected the environment.

48. A/HRC/50/25, paras. 20 and 21. ↩

The Working Group noted that, because young women solidarity activists are excluded from formal decision-making processes, they make use of digital tools, radio talk shows, public demonstrations, informal protests and innovative campaigns, including artistic expressions.⁴⁹

49. Ibid., para. 26. ↩

In the United States, SisterSong unites Indigenous women and women of colour to combat institutional policies that restrict the reproductive autonomy of marginalized communities. Stop AAPI [Asian American Pacific Islander] Hate works to end violence against Asian, native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander women.⁵⁰

50. Input from the American University, Futures Lab for Democracy, Tech and Human Rights. ↩

In Mexico, cross-border solidarity organizations and networks have been created to form alliances and facilitate links between communities across national borders. The organizations engage in transnational feminist and cross-racial or ethnic solidarity: Red de Mujeres por el Trabajo Justo promotes solidarity for garment workers between Mexico, the United States, Canada and Central America; Sustainable Textile Initiative: Together for Change seeks to unite women maquila workers in Guatemala with women workers, activists, union organizers and feminists in the United States; and Maquila Solidarity Network promotes solidarity between Canadian labour and social movement groups and their Mexican and Central American counterparts. The Network seeks to advance innovative organizing strategies that link community and workplace issues by addressing health and environmental problems and the specific problems of maquiladoras. A final example is the Committee for Asian Women, a regional women workers’ organization that assists in raising consciousness among women workers in the formal and informal employment sectors of Asia. The Committee supports organizing efforts and facilitates networking and linkages within and outside Asia for solidarity and support.

In the Republic of Moldova, the Casa Mărioarei association provides specialized support to survivors of gender-based violence. La Strada works to prevent human trafficking and violence against women; women trade unionists collaborate with Romanian counterparts to promote equal opportunities and fair labour rights; the Roma Women’s Platform organizes an annual Roma women’s march, an act of anti-racism and solidarity against discrimination in healthcare, education and employment; and Women 4 Women recently organized a march in Chisinau showing solidarity with Palestine.

In Iran, there are Kurdish women’s groups, campaigns against femicide and gender-based violence, teachers’ associations, pensioners’ organizations and student movements that address interconnected forms of discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, class and religion; political exclusion; femicide; ethnic oppression; labour rights; and socioeconomic rights.⁵¹ Campaigns such as Tuesdays against Executions involve hunger strikes by prisoners.

51. Input from 23 women’s organizations in the diaspora. ↩

Indonesian women’s participation in intersectional solidarity takes various forms, such as advocacy coalitions (policy campaigns, judicial review); community organizing; regional and global networks, such as involvement in the Asia-Pacific Forum; and collective action and digital campaigns, including with respect to the anti-gender-based violence movement.

In Nicaragua, intersectional solidarity networks cover a range of protection concerns:⁵² Indigenous and Afrodescendent women are combining the defence of their territory with the denunciation of extractivism and the fight against colonialism, confronting aggravated structural violence; networks of working women (including domestic workers and those in the informal sector) maintain solidarity networks to confront the economic precarity intensified by the political crisis; from exile, consortiums have been consolidated that address the migration situation with a gender perspective, linking social justice in Nicaragua with the defence of civil rights in host countries.

52. Input from Right Livelihood. ↩

Women’s participation in peace negotiations, peacebuilding and redistribution of resources is an area in which there remains much need for improvement. Building on the resolutions following Security Council resolution 1325 (2000), it is essential to involve women in the prevention of conflict, protection, participation in peace processes and restoration of access to food, water and healthcare.⁵³ The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women addresses the need to prevent sexual violence against women in the context of mining critical minerals, but not the need to ensure that women participate in deciding how the economic wealth will be distributed within society.⁵⁴ There are many examples of women participating in solidarity actions calling for the right to truth and accountability for violence.

53. UN-Women, “What is the women, peace and security agenda?”, 20 October 2025. ↩
54. Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, addendum to general recommendation No. 30 (2013). ↩

In Ghana, women are actively involved in local peace committees, early warning systems and dialogue initiatives. Women participate in the Regional Peace Councils and National Peace Councils and in peacebuilding efforts within the United Nations, African Union and the Economic Community of West African States. Moreover, Ghanaian women have benefited from training as peace negotiators at the national level.

In the Sudan, women are increasingly contributing to peacebuilding efforts by calling for an end to the war, supporting community dialogue, participating in documentation and transitional justice efforts and demanding inclusion in peace processes, including in their design, their mechanisms and in the monitoring of implementation.

The group AMPLIFY supports women’s civil society groups in Cambodia, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic and Thailand to build sustainable peace.⁵⁵ Although women in Indonesia have engaged in peacebuilding, they have not been guaranteed equal participation in peace negotiations and resource redistribution.⁵⁶ A more inclusive, gendered solidarity approach should be pursued to empower them.

55. The Asia Foundation, “Cambodia, Lao PDR, and Myanmar: civil society organization and community scoping study”, country briefs. ↩
56. Input from Tony Michael. ↩

In Jammu and Kashmir, organizations such as the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons have gained international recognition for documenting enforced disappearances and advocating for justice and accountability.

Similarly, in Mexico, women (mothers, daughters and wives) known as buscadoras are active in demanding the right to truth and accountability for the enforced disappearance of their loved ones, risking their own assassination, attack and intimidation.⁵⁷

57. Input from Clinica Juridica “Minerva Calderon”. ↩

Statues and memorials commemorating comfort women⁵⁸ are considered to be symbols of international solidarity with survivors; however, they are at risk of removal or the obstruction of their installation.⁵⁹

58. Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), “Justice, truth and reparations long overdue for survivors of so-called ‘comfort women’ system: UN experts”, press release, 6 March 2026. ↩
59. Input from the International Probono Legal Services Association. ↩

The Human Rights Council established a fact-finding mission for Afghanistan that may be considered an international solidarity mechanism to promote gender equality.⁶⁰ The Council also created a fact-finding mission for Iran to identify human rights violations, including discrimination against women.⁶¹

60. OHCHR, “Justice and accountability: Woman, Life, Freedom protests”, 7 April 2025. ↩
61. See https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/ffm-iran/index. ↩

The culmination of an international solidarity movement for gender justice is the campaign to recognize gender apartheid⁶² as a crime against humanity under international and national law.⁶³ It defines gender apartheid as inhumane acts committed in the context of an institutionalized regime of systematic oppression and domination by one gender group over any other gender group or groups, and committed with the intention of maintaining that regime.

62. See https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/thematic-reports/ahrc5651-escalating-backlash-against-gender-equality-and-urgency. ↩
63. See https://endgenderapartheid.today/. ↩

Diane Otto describes women’s tribunals as creating a space for listening with care and appreciation to those whose stories of injustice and survival have been ignored or denied.⁶⁴ She cites Iris Young’s concept of parameters of social connectedness as forming the bases for engagement in women’s tribunals, prompting solidarity action for justice through listening to stories about the causes of conflict and violence. This promotes change through a person’s power to influence the situation; their relative privilege in relation to unjust structures; their interest in change (the strongest interests lying with those who are victims of the injustice); and their collective ability to draw on and activate existing resources, group affiliations and networks.

64. Dianne Otto, “Beyond legal justice: some personal reflections on people’s tribunals, listening and responsibility”, London Review of International Law, vol. 5, No. 2 (July 2017). ↩

On October 2025, 24 women survivors from inside and outside Afghanistan of arbitrary detentions, torture and forced exile shared their testimonies at the first People’s Tribunal for Women of Afghanistan. This Tribunal was organized by four Afghan organizations, namely, Rawadari, the Afghanistan Human Rights and Democracy Organization, the Organization for Policy Research and Development Studies and Human Rights Defender Plus.⁶⁵ These organizations are Afghan-led and specialize in documentation and advocacy, working to mobilize international mechanisms for accountability and solidarity for women and girls in Afghanistan. Two-day hearings were held in Madrid.⁶⁶ The judgment found that the Taliban’s actions against women protesters amounted to crimes against humanity, specifically the crime of gender persecution, under article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.⁶⁷ The Afghan women’s brave participation in the process, the strong solidarity of prosecutors and judges from Afghanistan and other countries, and the support of host institutions created a potent solidarity action. The Permanent Peoples Tribunal called upon Islamic States to implement international solidarity.⁶⁸ It also called upon the United Nations to declare solidarity with the voices and struggles of Afghan women by characterizing the situation as one of gender apartheid.

65. See https://afghanistantribunal.com/about/. ↩
66. People’s Tribunal for Women of Afghanistan, “Summary of judgment”, 11 December 2025. ↩
67. Ibid. ↩
68. Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal, Judgment, fifty-fifth session for the women of Afghanistan, 810 October 2025. ↩

International solidarity activism performed by women may be wrongfully classified by the State as “acts that undermine national sovereignty” and can result in criminalization and incarceration.⁶⁹ The Independent Expert underscores the urgency of ensuring access to asylum for women international solidarity activists, who may be persecuted for their political opinions or may also be targeted or denied protection by the State due to their gender, race, religion or nationality.

69. Input from Right Livelihood. ↩

States that provide asylum to international solidarity actors should be supported to enable durable solutions, and their willingness to host refugees should be recognized as an act of international solidarity. For example, in Chad, the Ministry of Social Action, Solidarity and Humanitarian Affairs has partnered with the International Organization for Migration to implement income-generating projects to support the economic empowerment of returnee refugee and migrant women and strengthen social cohesion. In the Republic of Moldova, Gender-Centru has provided direct support to over 10,000 refugees, many of them women, from Ukraine and their host communities in the Republic of Moldova through mobile teams of lawyers, psychologists and social workers.

In paragraph 34 of its general recommendation No. 40 (2024), the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women sets forth a structure to promote women’s political leadership and calls for education to promote women’s empowerment. The Independent Expert is supportive of initiatives that enable women, youth and girls to receive education on how to participate in civic actions, community organizations and other forms of democratic engagement that address solidarity concerns.

Young people, including girls, in Indonesia are starting to be active in digital campaigns (on, for example, issues of sexual violence and climate change); community movements (education, health, environment); and research presentations in national and international forums.⁷⁰

70. Input from Tony Michael. ↩

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women called upon Mauritius to analyse the impact of awareness-raising initiatives on climate change aimed at recognizing the role of women as change-makers. The analysis was undertaken by the Ministry of Social Security, National Solidarity and Environment and Sustainable Development in cooperation with the National Women’s Council and women’s associations and under the Africa Adaptation Programme.⁷¹

71. CEDAW/C/MUS/CO/8, para. 35. ↩

The Committee also requested that Bolivia ensure that the solidarity scholarship programme set up by the Ministry of Education allocates scholarships for women on an equal basis with men to guarantee access to tertiary education.⁷²

72. CEDAW/C/BOL/CO/5-6, para. 25. ↩

Myanmar aims to give leadership education to young people, including girls, through the National Strategic Plan for the Advancement of Women.⁷³ The Plan is designed to address how women and girls can participate in civic actions, lead community organizations and engage in democratic efforts. The goal is to give women and girls the necessary skills and confidence to take on decision-making roles and address solidarity concerns within their communities.

73. Input from Myanmar. ↩

In Ecuador, the National Council for Gender Equality and the National Council for Intergenerational Equality promote civic leadership of young women by means of consultations on gender equality, digital violence and other topics.⁷⁴

74. Input from Ecuador. ↩

In Nepal, the Feminist Dalit Organisation has a project called “Strengthening human rights of Dalit women in Nepal” that improves Dalit women’s participation in governance, economic autonomy and awareness of rights.⁷⁵

75. Input from the Feminist Dalit Organisation. ↩

In Uzbekistan, the Qizlarjon club and the Girl Leaders club have been established to prepare female students for leadership positions. The Girl Leaders club is aimed at enhancing students’ social engagement, leadership skills, initiative, teamwork, decision-making abilities and confidence to express their views in public.

In Austria, the Girls in Politics project enables girls and young women to shadow local politicians, including mayors and representatives of municipal and district councils. In addition, the Austrian Integration Funds provides civic education and orientation programmes that include young women and girls with migration backgrounds. These programmes convey democratic values, gender equality and the importance of civic participation, thereby contributing to the development of leadership and active engagement in Austrian society. Through the European Social Fund Plus, Austria supports organizations aimed at promoting gender equality, equal labour market participation, equal pay and non-discrimination. Under The Fund’s priority 1, funding is also provided to non-governmental organizations and counselling organizations working on women’s empowerment and social inclusion.

The role of business enterprises in supporting solidarity for and by women is increasingly recognized as central to women’s rights, as they are workers and often lead shifts towards solidarity economies.⁷⁶

76. María Bastida and others, “Women leading the charge in the social and solidarity economy: a snapshot of gender perceptions of entrepreneurship”, Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics, vol. 96, No. 2 (June 2025). ↩

In Indonesia, the private sector can contribute to the creation of corporate social responsibility programmes, such as women’s economic empowerment programmes and women’s micro, small and medium enterprises, which are currently being strengthened by the Merah Putih village and Kelurahan cooperatives.⁷⁷ Campaigns on women-owned micro, small and medium enterprises and anti-violence and gender equality campaigns are also being implemented.

77. Input from Tony Michael. ↩

In Morocco, the Government sponsored a solidarity-based economy project and the creation of women’s cooperatives through pillar 2 of the Morocco Green Plan. Approximately 15,000 women’s cooperatives, involving some 30,000 women, have been created in recent years, two thirds of them in rural areas.⁷⁸

78. A/HRC/31/51/Add.2, para. 41. ↩

The Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women has noted that the Dominican Republic has ensured that women-led households are the primary beneficiaries of the solidarity pensions for persons affected by multidimensional poverty and has ensured the implementation of the Happy Family national housing plan, which is aimed at facilitating access to adequate housing.⁷⁹

79. CEDAW/C/DOM/CO/8, para. 39. ↩

The Working Group on discrimination against women and girls has called upon Honduras to measure the impact of measures such as the Better Life programme and the National Solidarity Loan Programme for Rural Women to ensure that they do improve the living conditions of women and to ensure that they are accessible to women facing intersecting and multiple forms of discrimination.⁸⁰

80. A/HRC/41/33/Add.1, para. 76. ↩

The Coalition for Reproductive Justice in Business engages with businesses to encourage them to adopt policies on sexual and reproductive health and rights that improve workplace standards for women throughout the entire supply chain.⁸¹

81. See https://www.unfpa.org/coalition-reproductive-justice-business. ↩

Feminist solidarity incorporates engagement in care work, acceptance of responsibility for others and the pursuit of social transformation. UN-Women notes that reductions in public funding for education, health, social protection, care services and environmental protection has caused women’s civil society organizations to engage in solidarity actions by doing the additional work needed to hold together the social fabric by providing food banks, care services and responses to violence against women.⁸² The International Labour Conference indicated in its resolution ILC.112/Resolution V that there is a need for international solidarity for women involved in care work, including by raising public awareness about the social and economic value of care work and promoting the voices and representation of, and consultation with, care worker organizations, including those of domestic workers, community health and care workers, and migrant workers, as well as organizations of employers of care workers and unpaid family carers, where these exist. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has issued an advisory opinion calling for protection of care workers from deportation and guarantees of labour protection. The Court has also noted the phenomenon of “global care chains”, in which migrant care workers transfer their unpaid care responsibilities in their country of origin to other family members.⁸³

82. “Understanding backlash”, p. 9. ↩
83. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, advisory opinion OC-31/25 of 12 June 2025, para. 170. ↩

In Brazil, there is a crisis of “immobile displacement”, whereby women lose their economic autonomy but remain in high-risk areas to provide care for the elderly and maintain household stability.⁸⁴ According to statistical data from the Federal Government of Brazil, women remain overrepresented in sectors without formal employment contracts, informal domestic work and family-related work, reflecting structural barriers such as a lack of childcare facilities, all-day schooling for children or other public policies, which hinder women’s entry into the formal labour market.

84. Input from Daniela Acevedo. ↩

The Working Group on discrimination against women and girls has recommended the promotion of the equal participation of boys and men in unpaid and paid care and support.⁸⁵ In Nepal, the Men Engage Alliance teaches young people (men and women) to engage in caregiving across gender roles.⁸⁶

85. A/HRC/59/45, para. 50 (f). ↩
86. Input from the Feminist Dalit Organisation. ↩

In Colombia, feminist solidarity within rural communities is also related to unpaid care work, mutual support and collective responsibility for family and community needs, demonstrating how women sustain much of the social and emotional dynamics of the rural environment.⁸⁷ Although gender stereotypes and structural inequalities still persist, there is growing participation by men in community support processes, family co-responsibility and recognition of women’s rights, gradually contributing to scenarios of greater social equity.

87. Input from Manuel Gerardo Ruiz Becerra and Camilo Andres Villamizar Conde. ↩

In Tigray State, Ethiopia, women have organized informal food-sharing and caregiving networks to support displaced families, elderly individuals and children.⁸⁸ These systems have operated as parallel humanitarian structures, particularly where aid delivery is inconsistent. Local humanitarian initiatives have been adapted to provide emergency relief, an example of locally embedded solidarity mechanisms in the absence of sustained international support.

88. Input from Gender Empowerment Movement Tigray. ↩

In Algeria, the Ministry of National Solidarity, Family and Women’s Affairs has established programmes to support social and humanitarian civil society, as well as care centres for women and the elderly, home assistance for the elderly and people with special needs (including psychosocial support and care), and creative, artistic and recreational initiatives for vulnerable segments of society.⁸⁹

89. Algerian Radio, “Solidarity: launch of a support program for social and humanitarian associations for 2026”, 25 March 2026. ↩

In Jammu and Kashmir, feminist solidarity is often expressed through community care, humanitarian support, social responsibility and collective resilience developed in response to prolonged conflict, displacement and economic hardship.⁹⁰ Women frequently undertake unpaid care work within families and communities, including caring for children, elderly persons, widows, injured family members and individuals affected by violence and displacement.

90. Input on Kashmir. ↩

In the Sudan, one input described how the ongoing war has caused the widespread collapse of basic services in many Sudanese cities.⁹¹ In this context, women have emerged as the first line of response for keeping local communities alive. In many neighbourhoods and cities, women lead community initiatives to provide food for affected families through what are locally known as takaya (community kitchens). In many places, these initiatives have become the only reliable source of food for thousands of families who have lost their incomes because of war. Women also participate in organizing the distribution of humanitarian aid, providing primary healthcare, offering psychosocial support to survivors of violence, supporting shelter efforts and helping repair the social fabric, especially inside displacement centres.

91. Input on the Sudan. ↩

In Uzbekistan, women activists in makhallas, assistants to khokims (heads of local governments) on family and women’s issues, members of women’s advisory groups and representatives of non-governmental non-profit organizations make a significant contribution to strengthening social solidarity by providing support to families, women, youth, persons with disabilities, elderly citizens and other vulnerable groups. Solidarity approaches to preventing early marriage and early childbirth, protecting the rights of girls, improving youth education levels and strengthening gender equality have been pursued. In this regard, representatives of State authorities, educational institutions, civil society organizations, religious figures and local communities are actively involved. Meetings, round tables, and preventive activities have been organized to strengthen the role of fathers in raising children and promote a healthy family environment. These initiatives have involved representatives of national advocacy groups, Islamic scholars, officials from the Ministry of Preschool and School Education, internal affairs bodies and regional mentors.

An input from a Colombian ecofeminist explains that ecofeminism advocates a policy of care for all forms of life within a territory based on the recognition of interdependence, solidarity and horizontal relationships.⁹² This is in contrast to capitalist, colonial, patriarchal and racist approaches, which are pursed in vertical relationships that are often linked to mining projects. Examples include the Women Creating Community group of Bolivia, which has developed the notion of body-territory resistance against extractivism to demonstrate the direct ecodependence between bodies and territories, and the Association of Indigenous Women of Santa María Xalapán, Jalapa (Guatemala). In Bolivia, the National Confederation of Indigenous Women of Bolivia is also an example of the struggle against extractivism and care for life in the territory. In Colombia, women protest in large numbers along the Women’s Peaceful Route in support of peace in a territory still experiencing patriarchal structural violence that impacts women and the environment. The women of Suárez, Cauca, Colombia are committed to defending their territory from extractivism and to a horizontal relationship with nature and water. In Brazil, Quilombola women are fighting against extractivism, which they see as colonial violence; therefore, defending their territory is a way of recognizing their ways of life and the practices that strengthen them.

92. Input from an ecofeminist, Colombia. ↩

In Brazil, women leaders among the Munduruku and Kayapó peoples assert that land titling is dependent on the enforcement of free, prior, and informed consent. Their actions address overlapping threats to cultural rights, the right to food and the right to water, which are all exacerbated by sea-level rise.⁹³

93. Input from Daniela Acevedo. ↩

UN-Women identifies repressive actions taken against women solidarity actors, such as the reduction of civic spaces and the creation of administrative hurdles and barriers to registration, reporting or the receipt of funds. Anti-rights groups promote disinformation that women’s rights activism is a threat to family, tradition or the social order.⁹⁴ Women’s solidarity groups experience raids without warrants; event cancellations; designation as foreign agents or threats to public order or national security; surveillance; doxxing; Internet shutdowns; travel bans; asset freezes; discriminatory taxes; smear campaigns; defamation; cyberbullying; criminal prosecution without due process of the exercise of the right to association or expression; inspection of personal data; threats; trolling; harassment; intimidation; retaliation; arbitrary detention; physical violence; and assassination.⁹⁵ They may be suspended or have their legal status revoked due to the receipt of international funding, or may be penalized for pursuing international human rights accountability.⁹⁶ These measures severely restrict the ability of women’s rights’ organizations to participate in international solidarity, including through cross-border advocacy.⁹⁷ Targeted women may leave politics, journalism or advocacy work.

94. Input from Center for Reproductive Rights. ↩
95. “Understanding backlash”; input from the State of Palestine; Global Human Rights Centre. ↩
96. Input from Center for Reproductive Rights. ↩
97. Ibid. ↩

Women solidarity actors have managed to use digital communication to launch international campaigns with success.⁹⁸ Although online abuse against women in advocacy roles is escalating, legal remedies and legal aid for harassment and other violations may be inaccessible.⁹⁹ Women solidarity actors express mistrust of justice systems and fear of retaliation.¹⁰⁰

98. Naela Elmore, “Solidarity across borders: transnational implications from the Mahsa Amini movement”, Social Movement Studies, vol. 25, No. 3 (September 2024). ↩
99. Input from American University, Futures Lab for Democracy, Tech and Human Rights; 23 Iranian women’s organizations in the diaspora; World Organisation against Torture, SOS Torture Network; Legal Initiative, the International Committee for the Investigation of Torture in Belarus; input on Kashmir. ↩
100. Input from the Feminist Dalit Organisation. ↩

Women solidarity actors are pressured to cease their advocacy of gender equality in public or in the media and are excluded from academic, professional or policy groups.¹⁰¹ The extent of anti-gender mobilization has prompted self-censorship among women solidarity actors. UN-Women calls for protect for them and for engaging national parliaments and courts to counter policies that undermine gender equality.¹⁰²

101. Julian Honkasalo, “Opposition to gender equality in the Nordic countries”, Nordic Council of Ministers Secretariat, 2026. ↩
102. “Understanding backlash”, p. 24. ↩

Mexico has a series of laws addressing violence against women, such as the Olimpia Law, which prohibits digital violence; the Ingrid Law, which prohibits the distribution of images related to a criminal investigation (such as investigation of femicide); the Monse Law, which criminalizes femicide; and the Malena Law, which penalizes gender violence, such as acid attacks.¹⁰³ Nevertheless, the prevention of violence against women depends on cooperation among the State, civil society and private institutions to promote education on equality and against gender stereotypes and to ensure access to justice.

103. Input from Clinica Juridica “Minerva Calderon”. ↩

In Afghanistan, legal aid is not available for women facing harassment, doxxing or similar violations. These acts are not classified as crimes under the Taliban regime. The organization Rawadari describes the strategies taken by women solidarity actors to avoid repression by the State, including operating in secret, relocating and re-framing campaign events, holding meetings behind closed doors and avoiding public spaces.

The Working Group on discrimination against women and girls has underscored the precarity of girl and youth activism online:
Digital technologies may be used to blackmail, control, surveil, coerce, harass, humiliate or objectify girl and young women activists, including by resorting to “deep-fake” pornographic content and death threats. As a result, many victims of these practices limit their online activities, leading to self-censorship, endure stigma in their families and communities, or flee online spaces altogether. The majority of the young women and girls consulted had experienced some form of targeted and gendered online abuse, including threatening messages, sexual harassment and the sharing of private images without their consent. Attacks against girl and young women activists are often orchestrated with the aim of discrediting and delegitimizing them and exposing them to ridicule, contempt or defamation.¹⁰⁴

104. A/HRC/50/25, para. 39. ↩

In the Independent Expert’s report on artificial intelligence (AI) and international solidarity, she noted that “women are increasingly subject to AI hate speech, cyberbullying, non-consensual sexual content, revenge porn and stalking, all of which negatively affect their ability to enjoy self-fulfillment of personal and professional aspirations”.¹⁰⁵

105. A/79/170, para. 34. ↩

In Nicaragua, women’s participation in intersectional solidarity coalitions is active, but it is under systematic siege from the State. Recent reports from IM-Defensoras and the Group of Human Rights Experts on Nicaragua confirm that such intersectional participation is subjected to political persecution, especially when it unites feminist, Indigenous and student movements.

In Brazil, Afrodescendent and Indigenous women solidarity activists are subject to harassment and violence, in particular when they engage on cases involving property disputes.¹⁰⁶

106. Input from the Clinic of International Law, FAE Business School, Brazil. ↩

Latvia has reported some cases of online hate speech; trolling; and misogynistic comments, especially against women’s activists that work on gender equality, reproductive rights, LGBT+ issues and violence against women. These cases of harassment are documented by the Latvian Ombudsman and surveys conducted by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights and are sometimes included in shadow reports from non-governmental organizations to the Committee for the Elimination of Discrimination against Women.

Women activists in the Sudan face overlapping threats, including direct threats and hate speech, targeting as a result of civic or political activity, indirect pressure through targeting of family members and targeting based on ethnic or regional identity. They suffer from an absence of legal and institutional protection. Hence, several women activists have left the country in order to be safe and continue their work. Many women from western Sudanese communities have also faced racialized abuse, suspicion, and barriers to movement or to access to services based on ethnic or regional identity.

In Kashmir, women activists and journalists, and women’s civil society organizations have reported restrictions, intimidation and limits on freedom of expression, particularly in relation to human rights advocacy. Internet shutdowns and communication restrictions have further constrained the ability of women’s organizations to mobilize, document abuses and engage internationally. While legal aid mechanisms exist, many women continue to face barriers to justice, including financial constraints, fear of reprisals, lengthy procedures and insecurity, with women in conflict-affected and displaced communities facing additional challenges.

In Myanmar, the Department of Social Welfare has established a helpline system for women who have experienced online and in-person harassment or violence and, in order to ensure access to justice, systematically provides them with legal guidance and legal aid.¹⁰⁷

107. Input from Myanmar. ↩

There was a time when women-led governments demonstrated international solidarity for women in other countries through feminist foreign policies;¹⁰⁸ however, these policies are now receding and are often being replaced by renewed militarism and extraction of natural resources, to the detriment of both the environment and women’s human rights. The international community is challenged to reinvigorate emancipatory international solidarity strategies to enable women to enjoy self-determination, equality, non-discrimination and inclusion. This requires the dismantling of power hierarchies that perpetuate economies of violence and exploitation.¹⁰⁹ It is inspiring to see the broad range of national women’s international solidarity organizations that are building international solidarity for women from the bottom up. States would be wise to follow their leadership.

108. UN-Women, “Feminist foreign policies: an introduction”. Available at https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/2022-09/Brief-Feminist-foreign-policies-en.pdf. ↩
109. See Sylvia Bawa, “Solidarity rights as duty and Ubuntu consciousness”, in Cecilia M. Bailliet (ed.), Research Handbook on International Solidarity and the Law (Edward Elgar Publishing, 2024). ↩

The Independent Expert recommends that States, civil society, businesses and international organizations:
(a) Recognize that women’s participation in the leadership of international solidarity initiatives can strengthen human rights, peace, the environment and democracy;
(b) Strengthen transnational, intersectional and intergenerational international solidarity coalitions and networks through direct funding and creation of safe spaces for women to share best practices, strategies, collaboration, capacity-building, awareness-campaign building, collective organization skills, economic empowerment and networking;
(c) Support capacity-building for grass-roots women international solidarity actors in documentation, management and humanitarian work in ways that respect the local context;
(d) Create a network of international solidarity mentors that can support intergenerational and intersectional feminist actors to expand civic space and mobilize to implement generation equality;¹¹⁰
(e) Support solidarity movement-building led by girl and young women activists and allow them to pursue and strengthen their activism by investing in the formation of girl-led and young feminist networks and associations, and by creating participatory structures and mechanisms whereby they can influence policy and norm-making processes;
(f) Increase direct, flexible and timely funding for grass-roots women-led solidarity initiatives;
(g) Shift international solidarity mechanisms from “gender-neutral” funding to “gender-transformative” through direct funding;
(h) Adopt feminist foreign policies supporting the self-determination of women and their right to equality, non-discrimination and inclusion;
(i) Create gender equality seminars for government officials, judges, universities, the police and other institutions to identify best practices and design effective remedies for violations of gender equality;
(j) Work together with international bodies to ensure the equal participation of women in international spaces, in line with general recommendation No. 40 (2024) of the Commission on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women;
(k) Adopt gender equality legislation and include women’s equality within national constitutions;
(l) Create transparent, participatory and gender-parity-oriented nomination and selection procedures for public offices and develop clear guidelines for voting and appointment processes to enable women to be represented in courts and other national or international governance institutions;
(m) Criminalize gendered or misogynistic hate speech and harassment of women solidarity actors online and create a support network to address legal and psychological issues related to disinformation, intimidation and attacks;
(n) Decriminalize advocacy related to sexual and reproductive health and rights;
(o) Increase funding for services that address violence and discrimination against women;
(p) Where applicable, ratify the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and/or withdraw any reservations. Implement articles 8 and 11 of the Convention;
(q) Where applicable, remove reservations to the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence;
(r) Ratify and Implement the International Labour Organization (ILO) instruments: the Equal Remuneration Convention, 1951 (No. 100); the Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention, 1958 (No. 111); the Workers with Family Responsibilities Convention, 1981 (No. 156); the Maternity Protection Convention, 2000 (No. 183); the Violence and Harassment Convention, 2019 (No. 190); and International Labour Conference resolution ILC.112/Resolution V concerning decent work and the care economy;
(s) Reverse the burden of proof in cases involving direct and indirect discrimination against women for reasons of gender or intersectional social identity, provide legal aid and allow class action cases;
(t) Establish women’s tribunals to articulate a path for future change and for dismantling the structural exclusion of women;
(u) Protect historical truth and memorials of victims of gendered violence;
(v) Ensure that gender apartheid is recognized as a crime against humanity under international and national law in the draft convention on prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity;
(w) In line with the recommendations contained in the Independent Expert’s previous report (A/79/170, para. 58), pursue corporate accountability for online attacks and harassment against women solidarity actors;
(x) Establish loss and damage funds for women-led solidarity organizations to protect their economic autonomy and environmental protection or sustainability projects;
(y) Ensure fair and transparent distribution of resources so that they will reach grass-roots actors working on the ground;
(z) Provide special protection measures for women solidarity actors, including early warning mechanisms, responsive legal aid, digital literacy and information and communications technology security;
(aa) Recognize the right to asylum of women solidarity actors at risk of persecution;
(bb) Include women and youth in conflict prevention, peace processes, security policy and State reconstruction at all levels of peace processes, in line with Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) and general recommendation No. 40 (2024) of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women on the equal and inclusive representation of women in decision-making systems, including in their design, mechanisms, implementation and monitoring;
(cc) Strengthen legal, social and economic protection mechanisms for women engaged in solidarity actions both domestically and internationally, including refugees and displaced women;
(dd) Recognize women as active leaders in solidarity humanitarian response, peacebuilding and community recovery, not only as beneficiaries of aid;
(ee) Educate women and youth on human rights and sustainable development to promote leadership in community, national and international solidarity networks.

110. See https://commitments.generationequality.org/sites/default/files/2022-09/feminist_movements_and_leadership.pdf. ↩

The Independent Expert recommends that civil society continue to advocate for the inclusion of women in the creation of ethical artificial intelligence-powered content moderation tools to prevent, identify and remove online violence and discrimination against women and persons subject to intersectoral discrimination.