01Recorded votes per yearresolutions decided by roll-call, by deciding body
Commission on Human RightsHuman Rights Council
02How contested were the votes?
Share of recorded votes by Yes−No margin — near-unanimous through highly divided.
03Most divided votesnarrowest Yes−No margin
YearResolutionSubjectYNA
01How it voted, year by year
Each column = share of that year's votes cast Yes / Abstain / No (absences excluded; in tooltip). Grey strip below: how many votes that year. Dashed markers: years in which the chamber took roll-calls and this state cast none — usually because it was off the Council, but the record does not distinguish that from a member abstaining from every recorded vote.
Method note — abstention is often a deliberate middle position — treat Yes/Abstain/No as ordered, not binary (a coding point developed on UNGA data: Bailey, Strezhnev & Voeten 2017). Absence is marginal in this elected chamber (1.7% of roll-call cells) — unlike in the General Assembly (see Methodology).
YesAbstainNovotes-per-year strip
02Closest & furthest voting partners
Voting coincidence over shared recorded votes (min. 20 in common). Bar colour = UN regional group.
Method note — raw agreement shares are inflated when majorities are lopsided — two states can co-vote often by chance alone (Häge 2011); shares also cover only windows when both states sat in the body.
Closest 30
Furthest 30
AfricanAsia-PacificEastern EuropeLatin America & CaribbeanWestern Europe & Others
03Voting-agreement world mapsame encoding as the blocs matrix
Every state coloured by its voting coincidence with — over the selected window. Dots mark small states; grey = fewer than 20 shared votes. Historical entities (USSR, Yugoslavia, …) appear only in the lists above — the map shows present-day borders.
Method note — same caveat as the partner lists: raw agreement, uncorrected for chance co-voting under lopsided majorities (Häge 2011).
Vote apartVote alikeselected state
04Every recorded vote votes · click a column header to sort
00Most frequent subjects
Related subject tags in these results:
01Support over time
Yearly average share voting Yes — of those casting Yes / No / Abstain (official totals). Faint dots: individual resolutions.
Method note — a moving average can reflect a changing mix of agenda items rather than changed positions — arithmetic that applies to any agenda (the point, and the ideal-point remedy, developed for the UNGA: Bailey, Strezhnev & Voeten 2017); in the HRC era the voting sample also changes with each membership cycle.
AfricanAsia-PacificEastern EuropeLatin America & CaribbeanWestern Europe & Others· line breaks where the group cast fewer than 3 votes that year
02Resolutions
YearResolutionSubjectYNABody
03How states voted on this topic
Each state's Yes / Abstain / No share across these votes (min. 5 cast), ranked by support.
Method note — regional-group patterns in these shares are strong, but the HRC-specific evidence finds state preferences, not bloc membership, drive voting (Hug & Lukács 2014) — compare a state with its group (toggle above) before reading intent.
YesAbstainNo
Pick a subject tag above, or type in the search box, to see the resolutions and how each state voted.
01Alignment map
Every state is placed by how often it votes the same way as two anchor states — right = agrees with the first, up = agrees with the second (dashed diagonal = equal agreement with both). The selected country set (the Country set control above) is highlighted in colour and labelled; all other states are grey — hover any dot for its name and figures.
Method note — agreement with each anchor is raw co-voting share, uncorrected for chance agreement under lopsided majorities (Häge 2011).
AfricanAsia-PacificEastern EuropeLatin America & CaribbeanWestern Europe & Others
02Regional-group cohesion
How unified each UN regional group votes over the window — Agreement Index (1 = unanimous, 0 = evenly split), across all its members. Independent of the country set above.
Method note — the Agreement Index (Hix, Noury & Roland 2005) runs high mechanically when the agenda itself is consensual — compare groups within one window rather than across eras (Häge 2011).
03Most often outvoted
Share of each state's votes cast against the side that prevailed — whichever of Yes or No was larger in the official whole-chamber totals (min. 20 votes in the window; Yes/No ties have no prevailing side and are skipped). Whisker = 95% interval, right-hand figure = share · votes cast, so thin records read as thin. A high rate often means siding with a cohesive minority bloc, not voting alone — compare the cohesion panel. Bar colour = UN regional group.
Method note — computed on recorded votes only — in this dataset 73% of texts pass without any vote (see Consensus tab), and which texts get a roll-call is itself political (documented for the UNGA: Fjelstul, Hug & Kilby 2025).
AfricanAsia-PacificEastern EuropeLatin America & CaribbeanWestern Europe & Others
04Voting-coincidence matrix
Every pair of states in the selected set, by how often they voted the same way — blue = vote alike, red = vote apart. The densest view: the whole matrix at once, for those who want the pairwise detail. Hover any cell for the figure.
Method note — raw coincidence is inflated by lopsided majorities — a property of the measure (Häge 2011). Roll-calls are the contested minority of output: 73% of catalogued texts here passed without a vote (see Consensus tab; on the same selection issue in the UNGA, Fjelstul, Hug & Kilby 2025). On preference-vs-bloc voting in the HRC itself, Hug & Lukács 2014.
Vote apartVote alike· grey = too few shared votes
Labels:AfricanAsia-PacificEastern EuropeLatin America & CaribbeanWestern Europe & Others
01Breakdowns & rapprochementsexperimental
Subjects whose mode of adoption flipped over time — each dot is one resolution on a shared timeline. Breakdown: adopted by consensus early, contested by recorded vote later. Rapprochement: voted early, consensual later. Heuristic: subjects with ≥6 resolutions and both modes, where the consensus share differs by ≥40 percentage points between the first and second half of the subject's history — treat small series as candidates, not conclusions. Click a voted dot for its roll-call.
adopted without a votevotedwithdrawnother
02Consensus over time
Share of considered resolutions adopted without a vote, per year (withdrawn and not-considered texts excluded from the denominator). Column colour = deciding body.
Method note — whether consensus adoptions are counted alongside roll-calls changes agreement and cohesion measures substantially (Häge & Hug 2016, on UNGA data — the measurement point is general); adoption without a vote is not unanimity (see Methodology).
Commission on Human RightsHuman Rights Council
03How resolutions were adopted, year by year
Each column = that year's resolutions by mode of adoption (100%). Grey strip below: how many resolutions that year.
adopted without a votevotedwithdrawnother (non-recorded / not considered)
04Most & least consensual subjects
Share of a subject's resolutions adopted without a vote (subjects with ≥6 resolutions; withdrawn/not-considered excluded).
All subjects, ranked
05Withdrawn amendments
Amendments tabled and then pulled before any decision — every withdrawn item in the catalogue is an amendment, so this panel ignores the global Scope filter. Almost entirely a post-2010 phenomenon. Interpret with care: some withdrawals are procedural (merged or resubmitted texts), not defeats.
06All catalogued resolutions
YearResolutionSubject / titleModeBody
01Search inside the resolutionsexperimental
Full-text search over the adopted texts — results are shown clause by clause (preambular / operative), so you see exactly where a term appears. Words combine with AND and fold plurals automatically; OR makes alternatives, quotes make exact phrases ("religion or belief" stays one phrase), a trailing * searches prefixes (indigen*), and -word excludes. Respects the global Scope filter.
Corpus…
01The language of commitment, over timeexperimental
Method note — each operative paragraph is scored by its leading verb under a two-axis scheme (directive force · sentiment) adapted from the Legalization framework (Abbott et al. 2000). This measures rhetorical / directive hardness, not legal bindingness — CHR/HRC resolutions are non-binding whatever the verb. See Methodology.
02The vocabulary of commitmentverbs ranked within each tier by how often they open an operative paragraph
Every operative paragraph opens with a controlled verb (UNITAR Terms Used in Resolutions). The directive verbs form a directive-force ladder; the expressive verbs register the organ's stance from condemnation to commendation. Bars = clause frequency across resolutions. Four verbs — Takes note, Notes, Recognizes, Expresses — carry no fixed sentiment: a dotted line under their name, reading e.g. 31% positive · 63% neutral · 6% negative, shows how their clauses actually divide — because "notes with concern" and "notes with appreciation" mean opposite things.
Directive force — the commitment ladder
Expressive — the sentiment axis
03Directive vs hortatory topics
Mean directive force (1–5) of a subject's operative clauses (subjects with ≥6 resolutions).
Most directive
Most hortatory
04Beyond the 2010 glossary
Verbs used operatively across the corpus that the UNITAR 2010 list does not carry as operative terms, plus force-amplified forms — a small window on how drafting practice has drifted. Detected by drafting convention (a clause-opening third-person-singular present verb), not from a list of verbs to look for, so the panel can surface terms nobody anticipated.
Force-amplified forms
05Loud vs structureddirective force × institutional follow-through
Each dot is a subject: horizontal = mean directive force, vertical = share of operative clauses that create or task machinery (the delegation axis of legalization). Top-right = loud and institutionalized; bottom-right = loud but empty; top-left = quiet but institutionalized. ■ country situations · ■ thematic · dot size = resolutions.
Method note — a clause counts as delegation only when it is directive and either establishes / renews / extends a mechanism, or names a UN actor and gives it something to do. A passing reference to a rapporteur or a report does not qualify — counting mentions put 40% of all operative clauses on this axis and built in a spurious trend, since OHCHR and the special procedures only expanded after 1993. This operationalizes the third axis of Abbott et al. (2000). Leading-verb tagging captures illocutionary force but not addressee or precision — read as a first-order signal.
01Source & scope
All data comes from the OHCHR Search Library — Voting collection, harvested in full (… records — matching the collection's own reported total) via its MARCXML export. It covers every voting record catalogued for the Commission on Human Rights (1946–2006) and its successor, the Human Rights Council (2006–present).
• The 2006 institutional break — the Council did not merely rename the Commission: it introduced new membership, election rules, the Universal Periodic Review and a different sessional rhythm. Because voting dynamics before and after differ substantially, every time-axis chart carries a dashed HRC reference line at 2006; treat trends read straight across it with care.
• The 2006 institutional break — the Council did not merely rename the Commission: it introduced new membership, election rules, the Universal Periodic Review and a different sessional rhythm. Because voting dynamics before and after differ substantially, every time-axis chart carries a dashed HRC reference line at 2006; treat trends read straight across it with care.
02Why most views show ~1,700 resolutions, not 6,346
Only resolutions decided by an actual roll-call (recorded) vote have a per-country breakdown. The Country profile, Topics, and Blocs views all depend on that breakdown, so they operate on this subset. Everything else — most resolutions — passed by consensus, with no individual positions logged.
Vote type (source catalogue)ResolutionsHas roll-call
03Resolutions by decade
DecadeAll resolutionsRecorded votes
04Vote-code legend
CodeMeaningRowsShare
05How topics are identified
The Topics view does not use machine-learning or keyword clustering. It reuses OHCHR's own catalogued subject heading for each resolution (MARC field 991$d — the controlled vocabulary librarians use for search facets on the source site), so every topic label is traceable to the source catalogue. Subjects are additionally split into thematic vs. country-situation using a simple name-matching heuristic against the list of states in the vote data — imperfect at the margins and easy to adjust in the build script.
Distinct subjects, all resolutions
…
Distinct subjects, recorded votes
…
06Known data-quality notes
Roll-call reconciles with official totals
…
Roll-call vs. totals mismatch
…
For ~9% of recorded votes — concentrated in older Commission-era records — the sum of individual Yes/No/Abstain positions doesn't exactly match the resolution's official totals, almost always by a small margin in the Abstain / non-participation count. Official totals are treated as authoritative; the per-country breakdown is shown alongside rather than forced to reconcile. One lowercase vote-code typo was normalised during parsing; nothing else is altered.
07Analytics & privacy
This site uses Google Analytics 4 only to see which views are used, and only after you accept the banner (Google Consent Mode v2 defaults to denied; nothing is sent before then, and a
Do-Not-Track browser setting skips it entirely). We record view names only (Overview, Country profile, Topics, Blocs, Methodology). We never send your searches, the countries or subjects you select, the records you open, or your IP address in clear — GA4 anonymises IP and ad-personalisation / Google signals are disabled. The offline single-file version does no tracking at all. 08Alignment methods
The Blocs & alignment tab uses three standard measures from the study of legislative and UN voting, all computed client-side from the recorded roll-calls (no external data):
• Alignment map — a reference-pole scatter: each state is placed by its voting agreement with two anchor states you choose (horizontal = agreement with the first, vertical = agreement with the second, each 0–100% over shared recorded votes). Positions are directly interpretable; the dashed diagonal marks equal agreement with both anchors. The axes are drawn to an identical scale on a square plot over the full, uncropped 0–100% domain — so the diagonal is exactly 45° and distance from it reads directly as a state's net leaning toward one anchor.
• Regional-group cohesion — the Agreement Index (Hix, Noury & Roland 2005): for each resolution, (largest bloc − ½·the rest) ÷ total among a group's members, averaged over the window; 1 = unanimous, 0 = evenly split.
• Most often outvoted — the share of a state's votes cast against the side that prevailed, over states with at least 20 votes in the window. The prevailing side is whichever of Yes or No is larger in the official whole-chamber totals: abstention is not a side that can win, so a plurality of abstentions is not treated as a verdict, and a Yes/No tie leaves no prevailing position (those resolutions are skipped rather than tie-broken by column order). Excluding abstentions from the winning side is not an arbitrary choice — it mirrors UN practice itself: under General Assembly rule 86, a member that abstains is "considered as not voting" and only Yes/No votes count toward the majority required (1986 UN Office of Legal Affairs opinion, reproduced in UNITAR NYO, Guidelines for United Nations Resolutions, 2020, Annex I). CHR/HRC operate under their own, smaller-body rules rather than the GA's, but the same "abstention ≠ a position that can win" convention holds — see the caveat below on transferring GA-specific findings. Because a 62-vote record and a 953-vote record are not equal evidence, every bar carries its 95% Wilson interval and its vote count. It measures being on the losing side, which is not the same as being isolated — a state can be in a large, cohesive minority bloc.
• Alignment map — a reference-pole scatter: each state is placed by its voting agreement with two anchor states you choose (horizontal = agreement with the first, vertical = agreement with the second, each 0–100% over shared recorded votes). Positions are directly interpretable; the dashed diagonal marks equal agreement with both anchors. The axes are drawn to an identical scale on a square plot over the full, uncropped 0–100% domain — so the diagonal is exactly 45° and distance from it reads directly as a state's net leaning toward one anchor.
• Regional-group cohesion — the Agreement Index (Hix, Noury & Roland 2005): for each resolution, (largest bloc − ½·the rest) ÷ total among a group's members, averaged over the window; 1 = unanimous, 0 = evenly split.
• Most often outvoted — the share of a state's votes cast against the side that prevailed, over states with at least 20 votes in the window. The prevailing side is whichever of Yes or No is larger in the official whole-chamber totals: abstention is not a side that can win, so a plurality of abstentions is not treated as a verdict, and a Yes/No tie leaves no prevailing position (those resolutions are skipped rather than tie-broken by column order). Excluding abstentions from the winning side is not an arbitrary choice — it mirrors UN practice itself: under General Assembly rule 86, a member that abstains is "considered as not voting" and only Yes/No votes count toward the majority required (1986 UN Office of Legal Affairs opinion, reproduced in UNITAR NYO, Guidelines for United Nations Resolutions, 2020, Annex I). CHR/HRC operate under their own, smaller-body rules rather than the GA's, but the same "abstention ≠ a position that can win" convention holds — see the caveat below on transferring GA-specific findings. Because a 62-vote record and a 953-vote record are not equal evidence, every bar carries its 95% Wilson interval and its vote count. It measures being on the losing side, which is not the same as being isolated — a state can be in a large, cohesive minority bloc.
09Consensus & adoption modesexperimental
The Consensus tab reads the mode of adoption recorded in the source catalogue (MARC 591) as a diplomatic signal in its own right — a recorded vote signals that consensus could not be reached, and a withdrawal marks a text that never reached a decision.
• Modes — adopted without a vote (blue; commonly called consensus), recorded vote (red), non-recorded vote / non-recorded unanimous / no information (grey, mostly Commission-era), withdrawn (amber) and not considered. "Consensus share" uses considered texts only — withdrawn and not-considered drafts are excluded from the denominator.
• Caveat — adoption without a vote is not unanimity: delegations may dissociate from consensus in explanations of position after adoption, which the catalogue (and therefore this tab) does not capture.
• Flip heuristic — subjects with ≥6 resolutions in both modes, comparing the consensus share of the first vs the second half of the subject's chronology; |Δ| ≥ 40 percentage points is flagged as a breakdown (consensus→votes) or rapprochement (votes→consensus). Small series (n≈6–9) should be read as candidates for investigation, not findings.
• Withdrawn — some withdrawals are procedural (texts merged or resubmitted), not defeats; the panel counts them without attributing motive.
• Amendments & the Scope filter — 731 catalogued items are amendments to draft texts; the 462 that went to a recorded vote make up 27% of all roll-calls (almost all post-2010; every withdrawn or not-considered item is an amendment). A Yes on a hostile amendment frequently opposes the parent resolution's aim — e.g. votes supporting amendments to women's-rights texts are typically votes to weaken them — so mixing amendments with resolutions inverts meaning (final-passage-only datasets are known to bias inference: Fjelstul, Hug & Kilby 2025). The global Scope control (top right) therefore defaults to resolutions only; amendments can be analysed separately or together, are tagged AMD in tables, and detection uses two agreeing catalogue signals (the title marker ": amendment /" and the 993 draft note).
• Modes — adopted without a vote (blue; commonly called consensus), recorded vote (red), non-recorded vote / non-recorded unanimous / no information (grey, mostly Commission-era), withdrawn (amber) and not considered. "Consensus share" uses considered texts only — withdrawn and not-considered drafts are excluded from the denominator.
• Caveat — adoption without a vote is not unanimity: delegations may dissociate from consensus in explanations of position after adoption, which the catalogue (and therefore this tab) does not capture.
• Flip heuristic — subjects with ≥6 resolutions in both modes, comparing the consensus share of the first vs the second half of the subject's chronology; |Δ| ≥ 40 percentage points is flagged as a breakdown (consensus→votes) or rapprochement (votes→consensus). Small series (n≈6–9) should be read as candidates for investigation, not findings.
• Withdrawn — some withdrawals are procedural (texts merged or resubmitted), not defeats; the panel counts them without attributing motive.
• Amendments & the Scope filter — 731 catalogued items are amendments to draft texts; the 462 that went to a recorded vote make up 27% of all roll-calls (almost all post-2010; every withdrawn or not-considered item is an amendment). A Yes on a hostile amendment frequently opposes the parent resolution's aim — e.g. votes supporting amendments to women's-rights texts are typically votes to weaken them — so mixing amendments with resolutions inverts meaning (final-passage-only datasets are known to bias inference: Fjelstul, Hug & Kilby 2025). The global Scope control (top right) therefore defaults to resolutions only; amendments can be analysed separately or together, are tagged AMD in tables, and detection uses two agreeing catalogue signals (the title marker ": amendment /" and the 993 draft note).
10Method caveats & further reading
Short method notes under individual charts link to the literature they draw on. One scope warning first, then the caveats sorted by how far they travel.
• Most of the quantitative literature studies the UN General Assembly — a different body. The GA has universal membership (~193 states) voting in plenary; the Commission (53 members elected by ECOSOC) and the Council (47, elected by the GA under regional quotas and membership criteria) are small elected chambers where membership itself is selected, absence is marginal (1.7% of roll-call cells in this dataset), and the agenda is set differently. GA findings are therefore reported below as hypotheses for this body, not established facts — they are never used here to interpret CHR/HRC statistics directly.
Properties of the measures — hold for any voting body by construction:
• Chance agreement — with lopsided majorities, any two states "agree" often by chance; raw coincidence and cohesion overstate alignment. Häge 2011, Political Analysis 19(3).
• Consensus inclusion — similarity/cohesion measures change substantially depending on whether consensus adoptions count as unanimous pseudo-votes (demonstrated on UNGA data; the point is general). Häge & Hug 2016, International Interactions 42(3).
• Agreement Index — the cohesion measure used here; developed for the European Parliament. Hix, Noury & Roland 2005, BJPS 35(2).
• Selection into roll-calls — visible directly in this dataset: 73% of catalogued texts passed without any vote, so roll-call statistics describe contested politics only (the same problem is documented for the UNGA: Fjelstul, Hug & Kilby 2025, RIO).
Evidence from this body (CHR / HRC):
• Hug & Lukács 2014, RIO 9 — Bayesian analysis of HRC roll-calls 2006–2010: state preferences, not regional-bloc membership, dominate voting; contested texts are disproportionately tabled by states with poor rights records.
• Lebovic & Voeten 2006, ISQ 50(4) — CHR country-condemnation politics 1977–2001: after the Cold War, targeting tracked actual violations more than partisan ties.
Findings from the UN General Assembly — related body; transfer with caution:
• Boockmann & Dreher 2011, Public Choice — on ~13,000 GA voting decisions 1980–2002, a state's own human-rights record is irrelevant to its vote once regional dependence is controlled; simple vote-aggregation rules can mislead. Whether this holds in an elected 47-member Council is an open question.
• Bailey, Strezhnev & Voeten 2017, JCR 61(2) — agenda composition confounds voting trends; dynamic ideal points separate position change from agenda change.
• Morse & Coggins 2024, RIO 19 — strategic absence: weak GA states abstain by staying away. Marginal here (1.7% absence) but worth remembering for the CHR era.
• Panke 2014, International Politics 51(6) — capacity, not politics, drives much GA absenteeism.
• Brazys & Panke 2017, IPSR 38(1) — why states switch positions between iterations of recurring GA texts.
• Most of the quantitative literature studies the UN General Assembly — a different body. The GA has universal membership (~193 states) voting in plenary; the Commission (53 members elected by ECOSOC) and the Council (47, elected by the GA under regional quotas and membership criteria) are small elected chambers where membership itself is selected, absence is marginal (1.7% of roll-call cells in this dataset), and the agenda is set differently. GA findings are therefore reported below as hypotheses for this body, not established facts — they are never used here to interpret CHR/HRC statistics directly.
Properties of the measures — hold for any voting body by construction:
• Chance agreement — with lopsided majorities, any two states "agree" often by chance; raw coincidence and cohesion overstate alignment. Häge 2011, Political Analysis 19(3).
• Consensus inclusion — similarity/cohesion measures change substantially depending on whether consensus adoptions count as unanimous pseudo-votes (demonstrated on UNGA data; the point is general). Häge & Hug 2016, International Interactions 42(3).
• Agreement Index — the cohesion measure used here; developed for the European Parliament. Hix, Noury & Roland 2005, BJPS 35(2).
• Selection into roll-calls — visible directly in this dataset: 73% of catalogued texts passed without any vote, so roll-call statistics describe contested politics only (the same problem is documented for the UNGA: Fjelstul, Hug & Kilby 2025, RIO).
Evidence from this body (CHR / HRC):
• Hug & Lukács 2014, RIO 9 — Bayesian analysis of HRC roll-calls 2006–2010: state preferences, not regional-bloc membership, dominate voting; contested texts are disproportionately tabled by states with poor rights records.
• Lebovic & Voeten 2006, ISQ 50(4) — CHR country-condemnation politics 1977–2001: after the Cold War, targeting tracked actual violations more than partisan ties.
Findings from the UN General Assembly — related body; transfer with caution:
• Boockmann & Dreher 2011, Public Choice — on ~13,000 GA voting decisions 1980–2002, a state's own human-rights record is irrelevant to its vote once regional dependence is controlled; simple vote-aggregation rules can mislead. Whether this holds in an elected 47-member Council is an open question.
• Bailey, Strezhnev & Voeten 2017, JCR 61(2) — agenda composition confounds voting trends; dynamic ideal points separate position change from agenda change.
• Morse & Coggins 2024, RIO 19 — strategic absence: weak GA states abstain by staying away. Marginal here (1.7% absence) but worth remembering for the CHR era.
• Panke 2014, International Politics 51(6) — capacity, not politics, drives much GA absenteeism.
• Brazys & Panke 2017, IPSR 38(1) — why states switch positions between iterations of recurring GA texts.
11Commitment language & operative verbsexperimental
The Language tab reads each resolution's operative verbs as a signal of how strongly the organ commits. Every operative paragraph opens, by drafting convention, with a controlled present-tense verb; we match it against the UNITAR glossary Terms Used in Resolutions (JG-1/02/10), cross-checked term-by-term against a second, publicly downloadable UNITAR source — UNITAR NYO, Guidelines for United Nations Resolutions (2020), Annex VII "Resolutions: frequently used terms" — over the clause-segmented texts of the Texts tab — . Those texts begin in 1993, so this tab covers a shorter period than the rest of the dashboard; amendments (edit instructions, not commitments) and the articles of annexed declarations and protocols (treaty-style text, not resolutions of the organ) are excluded from scoring — unlike the other seven tabs, the global Scope filter has nothing to switch between here, so it is disabled while this tab is open rather than implying a control it cannot exercise.
• Two axes, not one — the vocabulary mixes two illocutionary types, so a single strength scale is not defensible. Axis 1, directive force ranks verbs that direct an addressee to act: D5 decisional (Decides, Demands, Establishes) > D4 strong exhortation (Urges, Calls upon) > D3 tasking (Requests, Recommends) > D2 invitation (Invites, Encourages). Axis 2, sentiment ranks expressive verbs from condemnation (−2 Condemns) through neutral registering (0 Notes, Reaffirms) to commendation (+2 Commends). A third flag, delegation, marks clauses that create or task machinery: a directive clause that establishes, renews or extends a mechanism, or that names a UN actor and gives it something to do. A passing reference to a rapporteur or a report is not delegation — scoring mentions put 40% of all operative clauses on this axis and imported a spurious trend, since OHCHR and the special-procedures system only expanded after 1993.
• Grounding — the framework is the "legalization" triad of obligation, precision and delegation (Abbott, Keohane, Moravcsik, Slaughter & Snidal 2000, International Organization 54(3); Abbott & Snidal 2000); the directive-vs-sentiment split adapts a content-analysis approach developed for UN Security Council resolutions (Benson & Tucker 2022, JCR 66(3) — a different, treaty-binding body; borrowed here only as a coding method); the graded naming-and-shaming reading extends Lebovic & Voeten 2006. The tiers and their order are scholarly-grounded; the exact rank within a tier and the numeric spacing are an author-defined coding — a practitioner gloss notes there are "no official UN guidelines" fixing precise meanings.
• Why "Notes" / "Takes note" / "Expresses" / "Recognizes" are context-scored — these four verbs carry no fixed valence; the score is resolved per clause from the object ("expresses grave concern" → −1, "expresses appreciation" → +1, bare "notes" → neutral). This is not an ad hoc reading: a 2001 UN Office of Legal Affairs opinion, endorsed by the General Assembly in decision 55/488 and reproduced in the same UNITAR handbook (Annex VI), holds that the bare terms "takes note of" and "notes" are neutral, constituting neither approval nor disapproval — while UNITAR's own glossary separately catalogues the valenced compound forms ("notes with appreciation", "notes with concern") as distinct entries. The per-clause split is shown inline on the vocabulary ladder below wherever it applies.
• Critical caveat — this measures rhetorical / directive hardness, not legal bindingness. Even "Decides" binds only under Security-Council Chapter VII; CHR and HRC resolutions are formally non-binding whatever the verb. Tagging only the leading verb also omits the addressee and the precision of the ask — read the score as a first-order signal, not a legal determination.
• New terms — the corpus uses operative verbs absent from both UNITAR sources, above all Encourages (~3,100 clauses), plus low-volume Applauds, Thanks, Highlights, Observes — a small measure of drafting drift toward hortatory language. (Four terms once flagged here — Appreciates, Underscores, Calls for, and the unused Discourages — turned out to be attested in Annex VII of the second UNITAR source and were moved into the canonical count.)
• Two axes, not one — the vocabulary mixes two illocutionary types, so a single strength scale is not defensible. Axis 1, directive force ranks verbs that direct an addressee to act: D5 decisional (Decides, Demands, Establishes) > D4 strong exhortation (Urges, Calls upon) > D3 tasking (Requests, Recommends) > D2 invitation (Invites, Encourages). Axis 2, sentiment ranks expressive verbs from condemnation (−2 Condemns) through neutral registering (0 Notes, Reaffirms) to commendation (+2 Commends). A third flag, delegation, marks clauses that create or task machinery: a directive clause that establishes, renews or extends a mechanism, or that names a UN actor and gives it something to do. A passing reference to a rapporteur or a report is not delegation — scoring mentions put 40% of all operative clauses on this axis and imported a spurious trend, since OHCHR and the special-procedures system only expanded after 1993.
• Grounding — the framework is the "legalization" triad of obligation, precision and delegation (Abbott, Keohane, Moravcsik, Slaughter & Snidal 2000, International Organization 54(3); Abbott & Snidal 2000); the directive-vs-sentiment split adapts a content-analysis approach developed for UN Security Council resolutions (Benson & Tucker 2022, JCR 66(3) — a different, treaty-binding body; borrowed here only as a coding method); the graded naming-and-shaming reading extends Lebovic & Voeten 2006. The tiers and their order are scholarly-grounded; the exact rank within a tier and the numeric spacing are an author-defined coding — a practitioner gloss notes there are "no official UN guidelines" fixing precise meanings.
• Why "Notes" / "Takes note" / "Expresses" / "Recognizes" are context-scored — these four verbs carry no fixed valence; the score is resolved per clause from the object ("expresses grave concern" → −1, "expresses appreciation" → +1, bare "notes" → neutral). This is not an ad hoc reading: a 2001 UN Office of Legal Affairs opinion, endorsed by the General Assembly in decision 55/488 and reproduced in the same UNITAR handbook (Annex VI), holds that the bare terms "takes note of" and "notes" are neutral, constituting neither approval nor disapproval — while UNITAR's own glossary separately catalogues the valenced compound forms ("notes with appreciation", "notes with concern") as distinct entries. The per-clause split is shown inline on the vocabulary ladder below wherever it applies.
• Critical caveat — this measures rhetorical / directive hardness, not legal bindingness. Even "Decides" binds only under Security-Council Chapter VII; CHR and HRC resolutions are formally non-binding whatever the verb. Tagging only the leading verb also omits the addressee and the precision of the ask — read the score as a first-order signal, not a legal determination.
• New terms — the corpus uses operative verbs absent from both UNITAR sources, above all Encourages (~3,100 clauses), plus low-volume Applauds, Thanks, Highlights, Observes — a small measure of drafting drift toward hortatory language. (Four terms once flagged here — Appreciates, Underscores, Calls for, and the unused Discourages — turned out to be attested in Annex VII of the second UNITAR source and were moved into the canonical count.)
12How to cite this dashboard
This dashboard, the harvest and parsing pipeline, and the derived CSVs are a piece of research software with a versioned Zenodo DOI — cite it if you use it, quote a figure from it, or build on the underlying dataset.
• The footer's "Cite" button (bottom right, on every tab) copies the same line — useful mid-read, without navigating here. Both read from one place in the source (
• Machine-readable metadata — CITATION.cff in the repository carries the same record in Citation File Format; GitHub's own "Cite this repository" button on the repo page generates APA or BibTeX from it directly. The Zenodo record offers the same in a dozen further formats (BibTeX, RIS, DataCite XML, …).
• What the DOI covers — the concept DOI above always resolves to the latest release; cite a specific version (data snapshot + dashboard code as they stood on a given date) via the versioned DOI on the Zenodo record if reproducibility of an exact figure matters.
• Citing the underlying votes themselves, rather than this software: the source is the OHCHR Search Library's Voting collection — every export from this dashboard (CSV and PNG) stamps that citation plus an access date automatically, so a chart pulled from here always carries its own provenance without needing this section.
• Built and maintained by Łukasz Szoszkiewicz (Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań) — ORCID 0000-0001-6671-2893. Source and issues on GitHub.
• The footer's "Cite" button (bottom right, on every tab) copies the same line — useful mid-read, without navigating here. Both read from one place in the source (
CITE_ACADEMIC in index.html) so they cannot drift apart.
• Machine-readable metadata — CITATION.cff in the repository carries the same record in Citation File Format; GitHub's own "Cite this repository" button on the repo page generates APA or BibTeX from it directly. The Zenodo record offers the same in a dozen further formats (BibTeX, RIS, DataCite XML, …).
• What the DOI covers — the concept DOI above always resolves to the latest release; cite a specific version (data snapshot + dashboard code as they stood on a given date) via the versioned DOI on the Zenodo record if reproducibility of an exact figure matters.
• Citing the underlying votes themselves, rather than this software: the source is the OHCHR Search Library's Voting collection — every export from this dashboard (CSV and PNG) stamps that citation plus an access date automatically, so a chart pulled from here always carries its own provenance without needing this section.
• Built and maintained by Łukasz Szoszkiewicz (Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań) — ORCID 0000-0001-6671-2893. Source and issues on GitHub.
13Get the datafour routes, same underlying records
Nothing here is locked inside the interface. Pick whichever route matches what you are doing.
• One chart — every panel on this site carries a CSV button for the exact numbers behind it and a PNG button for the figure. Each export is stamped with the source citation, the active Scope and the access date, so a chart pulled from here carries its own provenance.
• The full tables —
• A citable archive — the Zenodo record freezes code and data together at a version, for when an exact figure has to stay reproducible.
• Analysis-ready — the Hugging Face dataset packages the same records as parquet in five configs:
The package ships the derived columns this Methodology argues for, so the same reasoning survives leaving the dashboard:
• Licence — everything above is PolyForm Noncommercial 1.0.0: research, education, non-profit and personal use are free; commercial use needs a separate licence. The underlying voting records are public UN documents.
• One chart — every panel on this site carries a CSV button for the exact numbers behind it and a PNG button for the figure. Each export is stamped with the source citation, the active Scope and the access date, so a chart pulled from here carries its own provenance.
• The full tables —
data/csv/ in the repository: resolutions.csv (one row per catalogued text) and votes_long.csv (one row per country per resolution), exactly as the pipeline emits them.
• A citable archive — the Zenodo record freezes code and data together at a version, for when an exact figure has to stay reproducible.
• Analysis-ready — the Hugging Face dataset packages the same records as parquet in five configs:
from datasets import load_dataset
ds = load_dataset("lszoszk/hrc-voting", "votes", split="train")ConfigRowsOne row is
prevailing_side and adopted (Yes vs No, never max(Y,N,A) — see §08), rollcall_reconciles (the ~9% in §06), is_amendment (§09), clause_type separating annexed instruments from operative text (§11), and subject_is_country_situation (§05). The clauses config also carries the experimental verb coding, with the same caveat: it measures rhetorical hardness, not legal bindingness.
• Licence — everything above is PolyForm Noncommercial 1.0.0: research, education, non-profit and personal use are free; commercial use needs a separate licence. The underlying voting records are public UN documents.